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About Chris McBean

Strategist, polyamorist, ergodox, permaculture & agroforestry hobbyist, craft ale & cider enthusiast, white settler in Canada of British descent; a wanderer who isn’t lost.

Non-Hierarchical Polyamory Requires Strong Personal Boundaries

Polyamory, when practiced without hierarchy, can be liberating.
No primaries calling the shots. No pecking order. Just grown-up humans building intentional relationships.

But freedom doesn’t mean chaos. And connection doesn’t require constant visibility.

This is a guide to practicing non-hierarchical polyamory with strong personal boundaries – for people who believe in honesty, not overexposure; in love, not surveillance; and in building sustainable relationships that don’t burn everyone out.


🔸 Truth Is Enough

“No, I’m not available tonight.”
That’s the truth. Full stop. It doesn’t need a follow-up essay.

In a culture that glorifies radical transparency, there’s pressure to explain yourself constantly –
❓Who you’re with
❓What you’re doing
❓Why someone else got your time

That’s not truth. That’s emotional bookkeeping.

In this model, truth means what someone needs to understand you – not every detail of your personal life. You are not a contestant in someone’s ranking system. You’re a whole person. Privacy is not betrayal.

🔸 Honesty Isn’t a Weapon

Honesty matters – but, not all honesty is created equal.

Too often, “radical honesty” becomes an excuse to dump emotional weight without care.
Let’s call it what it is: emotional discharge without consent.

Instead, ask:

  • Is this honest and kind?
  • Is the timing respectful?
  • Has the other person consented to this level of openness?

🗝 Good honesty is relational, not performative.
If it’s not asked for, or if it’s about your anxiety more than their needs, maybe it’s not time to say it.

🔸 Transparency Is a Choice, Not a Virtue

In some poly circles, transparency becomes a tool for control:

  • 🗓 Shared calendars turned into scoreboards
  • 🕵️ “Open access” used to snoop
  • 📢 Disclosures demanded to prove loyalty

This isn’t transparency. It’s surveillance.

In this framework, transparency is always opt-in and consent-based.
It’s a tool, not a virtue. Use it where it builds connection – not resentment.

🔸 Discretion Is an Act of Love

Discretion doesn’t mean secrecy. It means respecting privacy with care.

  • 💬 Not everyone wants to know everything.
  • 👂 Not every detail needs to be shared.
  • 🛡 And not all relationships want to be laid bare.

Discretion is choosing grace over total access.
It’s knowing how to protect dignity while staying honest.

🔸 Boundaries Make Freedom Sustainable

In non-hierarchical poly, where nothing is pre-defined, boundaries are your framework.
They’re not about control. They’re about clarity.

✒️ Examples of healthy boundaries:

  • “I need 24 hours’ notice before committing to plans.”
  • “I don’t share who I’m seeing unless it’s relevant.”
  • “I’m not available for emotional processing late at night.”

A boundary is how you take care of yourself – and tell others how to love you well.
🛠 It’s not a wall. It’s a tool.

🔸 Emotional Self-Regulation: Your Feelings, Your Job

You will feel things: jealousy, rejection, insecurity. That’s real.
But what you do with those feelings? That’s what makes or breaks your dynamic.

💡 Emotional self-regulation means:

  • Not reacting from your most triggered state
  • Asking for support, not compliance
  • Taking responsibility for your emotional landscape

Instead of:
❌ “Why didn’t you choose me?”
Try:
✅ “I’m feeling vulnerable – could we plan some time together?”

You’re allowed to feel. You’re just not entitled to offload your reaction onto someone else.

🔸 You Don’t Owe 24/7 Access

Say it again:
You don’t owe constant availability.

You can:

  • Say no
  • Ask for time
  • Turn off your phone
  • Decline a request without guilt

Your value doesn’t come from how available you are.
It comes from how authentic you are – even in saying no.

🔸 Build the Polyamory You Can Sustain

This is non-hierarchical polyamory for grown-ups.
It works best when it’s:

  • ✨ Rooted in respect
  • 🛠 Framed with boundaries
  • ❤️ Practiced with care
  • 🕊 Protected with discretion

You don’t need more rules. You need more self-awareness.

And if you’re constantly explaining yourself, justifying your schedule, or sharing things just to soothe someone else’s anxiety –
That’s not polyamory. That’s a pressure cooker.


🖋 Final Thought

You can choose transparency.
You can practice honesty.
You can love widely and deeply.

But only if those things are in service of connection – not control.

This is the polyamory of people who know themselves.
People who protect their peace.
People who choose love, and freedom, with care.

Rethinking “Developing Countries” and Embracing the Majority World

When we talk about developing countries, we rarely stop to ask what the phrase actually means. It slips off the tongue so easily, a piece of polite shorthand meant to distinguish between rich and poor, industrial and agrarian, modern and traditional. But behind that convenience hides a great deal of inherited hierarchy. Calling one part of the planet “developing” assumes there is a finish line defined elsewhere; that a good society looks like a Western one, with high GDP, gleaming infrastructure, and endless economic growth.

In recent years, many writers and thinkers have begun to push back on that language, arguing that it keeps us trapped in a colonial frame of mind. Arturo Escobar, in his landmark Encountering Development, described “development” as one of the most powerful cultural projects of the twentieth century, a system of ideas that reshaped the world to fit Western priorities. The word itself became a quiet command: grow like us, consume like us, measure like us.

Where the Language Came From
The phrase Third World first appeared during the Cold War, used to describe nations that aligned with neither the capitalist West nor the communist East. Soon it came to mean “poor countries”;  those still struggling with the legacies of colonialism, low industrial output, or weak infrastructure. By the 1980s, the term had begun to sound uncomfortable, and developing world emerged as its polite successor. Yet the underlying assumptions didn’t change. To be “developing” was to be “not yet there.”

The problem isn’t just historical accuracy; it’s the moral geometry of the words. They draw the map as a staircase, with the G7 at the top and everyone else climbing, slowly or not at all. They suggest that the proper destiny of the planet is to become more like the already-industrialised nations, despite the ecological and social costs that model now reveals.

Why Words Matter
Language shapes policy, and policy shapes lives. When international agencies use developing, they often frame assistance, trade, and climate policy around the assumption that economic growth is the central measure of progress; but GDP tells us nothing about clean water, community cohesion, or cultural vitality. It counts bombs and hospital beds the same way, as “economic activity.”

When we say “developing,” we subtly affirm that Western modernity is the gold standard. That is not only inaccurate but increasingly unwise in an age of ecological constraint and social fragmentation. There are other ways to live well on this planet, and many of them are already being practiced by the people our old vocabulary patronizes.

The Rise of the Majority World
One alternative that resonates deeply is Majority World. The term flips the script: most of humanity lives outside the wealthy industrialized nations. To call those countries “developing” is not only condescending, it’s mathematically absurd. As development writer Sadaf Shallwani notes, “The terms ‘developing world’ and ‘Third World’ imply that development is a linear process, and that certain ‘developed’ countries have finished developing and are the norm towards which all countries should strive.”

The phrase Majority World reframes the global conversation. Instead of a minority of wealthy states defining progress, it recognizes that the majority of the planet’s population, and its cultural, ecological, and creative wealth, resides elsewhere. It’s not a euphemism; it’s a shift in perspective.

Calling Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Pacific the Majority World centres humanity, not hierarchy. It invites curiosity instead of comparison. It allows us to speak about global issues: climate, migration, food security, health, as shared human challenges rather than one-way rescue missions.

Beyond Renaming: Rethinking Progress
Of course, simply changing labels isn’t enough. The deeper challenge is to redefine what progress itself means. For decades, “development” has equated to industrialization, export-driven growth, and consumer expansion. But that model has left deep scars on both people and planet.

Around the world, alternative visions of well-being are emerging. Bhutan measures Gross National Happiness. New Zealand’s Wellbeing Budgetprioritizes mental health, environment, and equity alongside economic performance. In Latin America, the Andean philosophy of Buen Vivir, “good living”, emphasizes balance with nature and community rather than domination or accumulation.

Each of these ideas challenges the unspoken assumption that there is a single road to modernity. They remind us that prosperity can mean dignity, education, safety, and belonging, not necessarily industrial sprawl and high consumption.

The term Majority World aligns beautifully with this plural understanding. It carries a quiet humility, an admission that the Western model is not universal, and that many societies are rich in social capital, resilience, and wisdom even without high per-capita income.

A Linguistic Act of Respect
For writers, journalists, and policymakers, choosing our words carefully is a small but vital act of respect. Before typing “developing country,” we might pause to ask: developing by whose standards? Toward what end? Whose story does this phrase tell, and whose does it erase?

When we speak instead of the Majority World, we acknowledge shared humanity and diversity of experience. It invites us to listen rather than prescribe, to recognize that there are as many definitions of progress as there are landscapes and languages.

This linguistic shift is also emotionally honest. It reminds those of us in the so-called “developed” world that we are the minority, not the model, and that our own path is far from sustainable. The future will depend not on teaching others to emulate us, but on learning together how to live well within planetary boundaries.

A More Honest Vocabulary
The phrase Majority World is not perfect, but it moves us closer to linguistic integrity. It removes the hierarchy, restores proportion, and invites humility. It replaces the idea of a “developing world” that needs guidance with a mosaic of societies co-creating their futures on equal moral footing.

Language is never neutral. The words we choose reveal the maps in our minds, who we see at the center, who we see at the margins. Changing those words changes the map.

Perhaps, in time, “development” itself will fade as a global organizing idea, replaced by something more ecological, more plural, and more just. Until then, we can begin with something simple and powerful: calling the world as it is, in its vastness and complexity, a Majority World that has always been, in truth, the heart of humanity.

References:
• Escobar, Arturo. Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World. Princeton University Press, 1995.
• Ziai, Aram. “The Discourse of ‘Development’ and Why the Concept Still Matters.” Third World Quarterly, 2013.
• Trainer, Ted. “Third World Development: The Simpler Way Critique of Conventional Theory and Practice.” Real-World Economics Review 95 (2021).
• Shallwani, Sadaf. “Why I Use the Term ‘Majority World’ Instead of ‘Developing Countries’ or ‘Third World.’” sadafshallwani.net, 2015.
• Wellbeing Economy Alliance. “What Is a Wellbeing Economy?” 2023.

Alberta, Natural Resources, and the Challenge of Federal Cohesion

I am starting a series of articles on Canada, its provinces, territories and confederation for the purpose of exploring a vision for the future. Let’s begin at the currently obvious place – Alberta. 

Alberta’s economic model is deeply tied to its resource wealth, particularly oil and gas, and its assertive stance on resource control has generated ongoing tensions with federal environmental and regulatory policy. While constitutionally grounded in provincial ownership rights, Alberta’s insistence on autonomy often clashes with the cooperative principles necessary in a federal system. This commentary explores the roots of this conflict and offers pathways toward a more collaborative and constructive intergovernmental relationship.

Constitutional Foundations and Ownership of Resources
Section 92A of the Constitution Act, 1982 affirms that Canadian provinces have the exclusive right to manage and develop their natural resources. Alberta has used this authority to shape its energy policy and economic strategy, which remain heavily reliant on oil and gas extraction.

However, under Section 91 of the Constitution Act, 1867, the federal government retains authority over matters of national and international trade, environmental protection, and interprovincial infrastructure. These overlapping jurisdictions mean that large-scale energy projects—such as pipelines—often require federal approval and regulation, leading to friction between provincial ambitions and federal oversight.

Fiscal Federalism and Perceived Inequities
Alberta’s role as a “have” province in the equalization system has been a long-standing source of grievance. Despite experiencing downturns in the oil economy, Alberta does not receive equalization payments due to the formula used to calculate fiscal capacity. While the system aims to ensure reasonably comparable levels of public services across Canada, many Albertans view it as a redistribution mechanism that penalizes economic productivity without adequately rewarding provincial contributions to national prosperity.

This sentiment is often exacerbated during periods of Liberal federal governance, when policies such as carbon pricing, environmental assessment reform (e.g., Bill C-69), and energy transport restrictions (e.g., Bill C-48) are interpreted as barriers to Alberta’s growth and autonomy.

The Political Psychology of Alienation
Alberta’s frustration with Ottawa is not merely legal or economic—it is cultural and emotional. The legacy of the National Energy Program (1980), perceived as a federal overreach into Alberta’s economy, continues to shape provincial attitudes. There is a widespread belief among many Albertans that their priorities are undervalued in national discourse, while their economic output is taken for granted.

This sense of alienation is particularly pronounced during Liberal governments, which are often associated with centralized governance, regulatory oversight, and climate policy that is seen as antagonistic to Alberta’s resource sector.

The Dilemma of Reciprocity
Despite its demand for autonomy, Alberta remains deeply integrated with the rest of Canada. It benefits from internal migration, national infrastructure, federal investment, and shared services. However, when national unity requires compromise, such as in building pipelines through BC or adhering to environmental targets, Alberta often adopts a defensive posture.

This tension between autonomy and interdependence is the core dilemma of Canadian federalism. While the provinces retain control over resources, their development impacts climate goals, international trade obligations, and national economic stability, issues that fall under federal jurisdiction.

Recommendations for Constructive Engagement
To resolve these tensions and restore national cohesion, both Alberta and the federal government must reconsider their approaches:

For the federal government:
Strengthen regional engagement: Appoint trusted regional representatives to act as intermediaries between Alberta and federal departments.
Clarify jurisdictional boundaries: Work collaboratively to define areas where federal environmental goals can be met without impeding provincial development.
Modernize equalization: Review and revise the equalization formula to ensure transparency and responsiveness to changing economic realities.

For Alberta:
Acknowledge interdependence: Embrace the reality that long-term prosperity requires cooperation, not confrontation.
Diversify the economy: Invest in emerging sectors like hydrogen, critical minerals, and clean technology to reduce economic vulnerability.
Engage Indigenous leadership: Collaborate meaningfully with Indigenous governments who hold treaty rights and are key to sustainable development.

Alberta’s assertiveness over resource development is constitutionally grounded, but politically volatile. The success of Canadian federalism depends not on uniformity, but on mutual respect and intergovernmental cooperation. Both sides must move beyond grievance-based politics toward a pragmatic and future-focused partnership that serves both regional needs and national interests.

The Penguin: Ottawa’s Small Club with Big Nights

Nestled on Elgin Street in Centretown, Ottawa, The Penguin was a small, but influential live music venue during the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s. Despite its modest size, it attracted a remarkable range of touring acts across rock, blues, jazz, and alternative music. Concert databases and historical accounts show that the club hosted artists such as Blue Öyster Cult, the Jim Rose Circus, Tori Amos, and Béla Fleck. The Penguin earned a reputation as a stop for touring musicians who wanted a more intimate connection with their audience, and for local music fans, it became a hub of discovery where every night promised something unexpected.

Part of the club’s charm lay in its atmosphere and attention to detail. Upper Canada beers flowed from the taps, including the rare dark ale that few other Ottawa venues offered on draft. Low ceilings, close seating, and proximity to the stage created a space where performances felt immediate, every note and improvisation amplified by the intimacy of the room.

I moved to Ottawa permanently in the early 1990s, having developed both professional and personal connections over the preceding years. Friends like Bruce, who knew all the city’s best bars, clubs, and restaurants, introduced me to the vibrant local music scene, and The Penguin quickly became a favourite of ours.

Some of my most vivid memories are of nights when artists I admired personally played there. Steve Hackett, the former Genesis guitarist, performed in August 1992. I remember him alternating between electric and acoustic guitars, and at one point he sat on the stage to play an extended classical acoustic passage that seemed to suspend time in the room.

A few years later, in October 1994, I saw The Jazz Passengers at The Penguin, joined by Debbie Harry. The combination of New York City avant-garde jazz and Harry’s iconic voice created a one-of-a-kind performance. The room was alive with energy and unpredictability, and the intimacy of the venue made every note feel immediate. The band started playing and Bruce and I looked at each other “Is that Blondie’s Rapture?” And sure enough Harry walks out onto the stage! 

Cassandra Wilson’s performance during her 1994 tour supporting Blue Light ’til Dawn remains unforgettable. Walking onto the stage in a dark blue sheer dress, she filled the room with a smoky, folk-infused jazz sound that left the audience mesmerized. While I have not yet confirmed the exact date in archival newspapers, the memory of that evening, her voice, the hush in the crowd, the room’s energy remains vivid decades later. I did send Ms. Wilson a note requesting confirmation of the date, and she replied that she would check for me, so stay tuned. 

The Penguin was more than just a club; it was a space where small details: a well-poured local ale, the room’s acoustics, the proximity to the stage, combined with talent to create nights that linger long in memory. For musicians and fans alike, it transformed ordinary evenings into stories worth telling, a testament to the intimate magic that only a club like The Penguin could produce.

Sources:
• Pollstar listings (1994 tour notices) showing Cassandra Wilson listed for Ottawa/Penguin dates and related dates.
• Crowd-sourced concert archives and venue listings for The Penguin, including setlists showing Steve Hackett at The Penguin, Aug 22, 1992, and Deborah (Debbie) Harry with The Jazz Passengers at The Penguin, Oct 11, 1994.  

Drawing the Lines of Power: Why the United States Needs an Independent Redistricting Commission

Every ten years, Americans count themselves, and then politicians carve the nation into pieces. In theory, these lines are the skeleton of democracy, each district meant to represent a roughly equal share of the people’s voice. In practice, however, the scalpel is often in partisan hands, and the result looks less like democracy and more like a game of political cartography gone rogue.

A System That Rewards Its Own Abuse
The U.S. Constitution leaves redistricting to the states, with Congress retaining the right to regulate the process. Yet for more than two centuries, Congress has chosen not to exercise that right in any meaningful way. The result is a patchwork of state systems, most of them controlled by whichever political party happens to dominate the local legislature.

Both parties have used this power when it suits them, but in the modern era, sophisticated mapping software and microtargeted data have turned gerrymandering into a science. Districts now snake through neighborhoods like drunken serpents, connecting voters who share little except their predicted loyalty. In some states, the shape of the line, not the will of the people, determines who governs.

When the Supreme Court in Rucho v. Common Cause (2019) declared that partisan gerrymandering was a “political question” beyond its reach, it effectively shut the courthouse doors to citizens seeking fair maps. The message was clear: if Americans want integrity in their elections, they must legislate it themselves.

What an Independent Commission Could Offer
Other democracies long ago recognized that fairness cannot coexist with self-interest. Canada, the United Kingdom, and Australia entrust their electoral maps to independent, arms-length commissions. These agencies are staffed by nonpartisan experts; demographers, judges, geographers who follow clear criteria: compactness, respect for communities of interest, equal population, and transparency. Public hearings and judicial oversight ensure that citizens, not party operatives, shape their representation.

The results speak for themselves. Voter confidence in the fairness of elections in these countries consistently exceeds 80 percent, while American confidence has hovered around 50 percent in recent years. In Canada, where each province’s independent boundary commission reviews the map after every census, electoral boundaries are rarely the subject of scandal or court challenge. People may disagree on policy, but they do not argue about the legitimacy of their ridings.

The Case for a Federal Solution
The United States could adopt such a system tomorrow. The Elections Clause grants Congress the authority to “make or alter” state regulations governing federal elections. A single piece of federal legislation could establish an Independent Federal Redistricting Commission – a transparent body tasked with drawing all congressional districts using uniform national standards.

Such a commission would:
End partisan manipulation by removing politicians from the mapping process.
Increase public trust by making all deliberations open and evidence-based.
Strengthen democracy by ensuring that voters choose their representatives, not the other way around.
Stabilize governance by reducing the incentives for extreme partisanship, which flourish in safely gerrymandered districts.

Imagine a Congress in which every member must appeal to a truly representative cross-section of their district; urban and rural, conservative and progressive, wealthy and working-class. The tone of national politics would shift overnight. Legislators would need to persuade rather than posture. Compromise, that most endangered of political virtues, might even make a comeback.

What Stands in the Way
The only obstacle is political will. The party that benefits from the map has no incentive to surrender control of the pen. Both have been guilty at various times, though the imbalance today tilts heavily toward Republican-controlled legislatures that have perfected the art of map manipulation. The proposed For the People Act and Freedom to Vote Act, which would have mandated independent commissions for all congressional districts were blocked in the Senate, not because they were unconstitutional, but because they were inconvenient.

This is the real scandal: that a fix so obvious and achievable is continually thwarted by those who fear fair competition. Gerrymandering is not a feature of democracy; it is a form of quiet electoral theft.

The Moral Argument
Democracy, if it means anything, means that each citizen’s voice carries the same weight. When politicians choose their voters, that principle collapses. Independent redistricting is not a partisan reform; it is a moral one. It says that legitimacy must flow upward from the people, not downward from the powerful.

Americans deserve to know that their ballot is worth as much as their neighbor’s. Until they demand that Congress create an independent, arms-length agency to draw the lines of power, those lines will continue to be written in the ink of self-interest.

The map of a democracy should be drawn by its people’s conscience, not by its politicians’ convenience.

Sources:
U.S. Constitution, Article I, Section 4
Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission, 576 U.S. 787 (2015)
Rucho v. Common Cause, 588 U.S. 684 (2019)
• Elections Canada, “Independent Boundaries Commissions and Electoral Fairness” (2023)
• Pew Research Center, “Public Trust in Elections and Government” (2023)

The Grades Don’t Lie: How Social Media Time Erodes Classroom Results

We finally have the kind of hard, population-level evidence that makes talking about social media and school performance less about anecdotes and more about policy. For years the debate lived in headlines, parental horror stories and small, mixed academic papers. Now, large cohort studies, systematic reviews and international surveys point to the same basic pattern: more time on social media and off-task phone use is associated with lower standardized test scores and classroom performance, the effect grows with exposure, and in many datasets girls appear to show stronger negative associations than boys. Those are blunt findings, but blunt facts can still be useful when shaping policy.  

What does the evidence actually say? A recent prospective cohort study that linked children’s screen-time data to provincial standardized test scores found measurable, dose-dependent associations: children who spent more daily time on digital media, including social platforms, tended to score lower on later standardized assessments. The study controlled for a range of background factors, which strengthens the association and makes it plausible that screen exposure is playing a role in educational outcomes. That dose-response pattern, the more exposure, the larger the test-score deficit, is exactly the sort of signal epidemiologists look for when weighing causality.  

Systematic reviews and meta-analyses add weight to the single-study findings. A 2025 systematic review of social-media addiction and academic outcomes pooled global studies and concluded that problematic or excessive social-media use is consistently linked with poorer academic performance. The mechanisms are sensible and familiar: displacement of homework and reading time, impaired sleep and concentration, and increased multitasking during classwork that reduces learning efficiency. Taken together with cohort data, the reviews make a strong case that social media exposure is an educational risk factor worth addressing.  

One of the most important and worrying nuances is sex differences. Multiple recent analyses report that the negative relationship between social-media use and academic achievement tends to be stronger for girls than boys. Some researchers hypothesise why: girls on average report heavier engagement in image- and comparison-based social activities, higher exposure to social-evaluative threat and cyberbullying, and greater sleep disruption linked to late-night social use. Those psychosocial pathways map onto declines in concentration, motivation and ultimately grades. The pattern is not universal, and some studies still show mixed gender effects, but the preponderance of evidence points to meaningful gendered harms that regulators and schools should not ignore.  

We should, however, be precise about what the data do and do not prove. Most observational studies cannot establish definitive causation: kids who are struggling for other reasons may also turn to social media, and content matters—educational uses can help, while passive scrolling harms. Randomised controlled trials at scale are rare and ethically complex. Still, the consistency across different methodologies, the dose-response signals and plausible mediating mechanisms (sleep, displacement, attention fragmentation) do make a causal interpretation credible enough to act on. In public health terms, the evidence has passed the “good enough to justify precaution” threshold.  

How should this evidence reshape policy? First, age limits and minimum-age enforcement, like Australia’s move to restrict under-16 access, are a sensible piece of a larger strategy. Restricting easy, early access reduces cumulative exposure during critical developmental years and buys time for children to build digital literacy. Second, school policies matter but are insufficient if they stop at the classroom door. The best interventions couple school rules with family guidance, sleep-friendly device practices and regulations that reduce product-level persuasive design aimed at minors. Third, we must pay attention to gender. Interventions should include supports that address comparison culture and online harassment, which disproportionately harm girls’ wellbeing and school engagement.  

There will be pushback. Tech firms and some researchers rightly point to the mixed evidence on benefits, the potential for overreach, and the social costs of exclusion. But responsible policy doesn’t demand perfect proof before action. We now have robust, repeated findings that increased social-media exposure correlates with lower academic performance, shows a dose-response pattern, and often hits girls harder. That combination is a call to build rules, tools and educational systems that reduce harm while preserving the genuinely useful parts of digital life. In plain language: if we care about learning, we must treat social media as an educational determinant and act accordingly.

Sources:
• Li X et al., “Screen Time and Standardized Academic Achievement,” JAMA Network Open, 2025.
• Salari N et al., systematic review on social media addiction and academic performance, PMC/2025.
• OECD, “How’s Life for Children in the Digital Age?” 2025 report.
• Hales GE, “Rethinking screen time and academic achievement,” 2025 analysis (gender differences highlighted).
• University of Birmingham/Lancet regional reporting on phone bans and school outcomes, Feb 2025.  

Kitchen Table Poly: The Joy, the Chaos, and the Crumbs in Between

As you ease into the weekend, here’s a cheerful wander through the world of kitchen table poly (KTP), where coffee meets connection, and everyone’s feelings try to fit around the same plate of muffins.

Juggling hot pancakes while trying not to burn the syrup
There’s a certain romantic ideal in polyamory known as kitchen table polyamory – the notion that everyone in the constellation can sit around the same table, drink coffee, and chat comfortably about their shared lives. In theory, it’s beautiful: all hearts open, no secrets, no tension, just the gentle clinking of mugs and the hum of consensual love. In practice, however, it’s more often like juggling hot pancakes while trying not to burn the syrup.

The term itself conjures homey images: sunlight streaming through a window, laughter echoing off tile, someone passing the butter while another partner mentions a date night plan. It’s the poly version of a Norman Rockwell painting, if Rockwell had painted metamours and handled complex emotional logistics instead of fishing trips. At its best, it is that warm and easy, a place where communication feels natural and everyone knows they’re safe and seen.

But here’s the catch: kitchens are also where the mess shows. Dishes pile up, crumbs multiply, and sooner or later, somebody knocks over the orange juice of unspoken jealousy. What looks like “just coffee” might also include passive-aggressive sugar stirring or the subtle choreography of seating choices, because while the theory is “we’re all adults who love each other’s happiness,” the reality can be “I adore your joy in principle, but could we not hold hands over the croissants?”

KTP isn’t the moral high ground
The beauty of kitchen table poly is the shared humanity of it. It’s the belief that love isn’t a competition, that community is more sustaining than secrecy. It thrives when people are genuinely curious about each other, not threatened by comparison. It’s the pleasure of knowing that your partners’ partners are good to them, and sometimes even becoming friends who can roll their eyes affectionately about the same endearing quirks. (“He alphabetizes the spice rack again? Adorable, right?”)

But not everyone wants to live there. Some prefer “parallel poly,” where the metaphorical tables are separate, perhaps linked by a hallway of mutual respect, but not by shared breakfast. That’s fine too. Kitchen table poly isn’t the moral high ground; it’s just one style of community. And even those who love it occasionally need a little solitude, a coffee mug that’s their own, a kitchen that’s quiet.

The table is for connection, not competition
Ultimately, kitchen table poly is less about proximity and more about possibility.It’s about knowing that even if life occasionally spills, there’s still room to laugh, mop it up, and pour another cup. Love, like a kitchen, works best when everyone does their part, and remembers that the table is for connection, not competition.

So pull up a chair, grab a muffin, and take a breath. The coffee’s strong, the company’s complex, and the conversation might just teach you something about the art of being human. After all, every good kitchen has both chaos and comfort, and the best ones smell faintly of trust.

Five Things We Learned This Week

Week of November 1–7, 2025

A week that ranged from sporting glory to sudden disaster, from local democracy to global tech controls. Here are five distinct items worth bookmarking from Nov 1–7, 2025.


🏏 1. India wins their first Women’s Cricket World Cup (Nov 2)

India beat South Africa by 52 runs in the final at DY Patil Stadium to lift their maiden Women’s Cricket World Cup trophy on Nov 2. Shafali Verma starred with a rapid 87 and Deepti Sharma took five wickets and was player of the tournament.

Why it matters: This is a landmark moment for women’s cricket in India and for the sport globally — it will boost investment, media attention and youth participation across the subcontinent.

Source: Reuters, BBC Sport


🌍 2. Powerful 6.3 earthquake kills at least 20 in northern Afghanistan (Nov 2)

A magnitude-6.3 quake struck near Mazar-e-Sharif in the Hindu Kush early on Nov 2, killing at least 20 people, injuring hundreds and damaging historic sites and homes. Rescue and aid operations were mobilized amid heavy local impacts.

Why it matters: The quake highlights acute disaster vulnerability in Afghanistan and the need for rapid humanitarian response and resilient rebuilding in earthquake-prone regions.

Source: Al Jazeera, Associated Press


🗳️ 3. Young progressive Zohran Mamdani wins New York City mayoral race (Nov 5)

On Nov 5, Zohran Mamdani, a 34-year-old democratic socialist, won the New York City mayoralty, campaigning on housing, transit and bold public services. The victory drew international commentary about urban politics and progressive platforms.

Why it matters: A progressive mayor in the U.S.’s largest city will test ambitious local policy ideas on rent, transit and social services that other cities may emulate or resist.

Source: The Guardian, The New York Times


🔬 4. U.S. moves to block Nvidia sales of certain AI chips to China (reported Nov 7)

U.S. officials signalled steps to block Nvidia from selling scaled-down AI processors to China, a move reported Nov 7 that tightens tech export controls and aims to limit China’s access to advanced AI hardware.

Why it matters: Tightening chip controls re-shapes global AI supply chains, pressures chipmakers’ strategies and raises the geopolitical stakes of technology competition.

Source: Reuters, Financial Times


⚠️ 5. U.N. says October saw record monthly high in settler attacks in West Bank (reported Nov 7)

The U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported on Nov 7 that at least 264 settler attacks against Palestinians occurred in October – the highest monthly total recorded since 2006. The data drew renewed concern about protection and rule-of-law in the occupied territories.

Why it matters: The surge in violence complicates humanitarian access, peace prospects and international diplomacy aimed at reducing civilian harm.

Source: UN OCHA, BBC World Service


Closing thoughts: This week delivered a mix of triumph and tragedy, local democracy and global strategic moves. From India’s sporting high to Afghanistan’s tragedy, from a major U.S. mayoral upset to tightened controls on AI chips, and worrying spikes in on-the-ground violence, the items show how quickly the world’s attention can swing between celebration and crisis. Each of these events, small or large, reshapes how we understand resilience, justice, and progress.

The House That Pierre Built

There is a faint creak coming from the blue house on Parliament Hill these days. Nothing as dramatic as a collapse. It is more like the weary sigh of old beams shifting under new weather. The Conservative caucus, still licking its wounds from a disappointing election, has begun to sound like that: restless, adjusting, unsure whether to stay or start packing boxes.

This week’s events made the sound louder. On Monday, Chris d’Entremont, MP for Nova Scotia’s Acadie–Annapolis, announced he was leaving the Conservatives to sit with Prime Minister Mark Carney’s Liberals. By Friday, Matt Jeneroux of Edmonton Riverbend revealed he would resign his seat in the spring. Two moves in five days would be noteworthy in any week. Coming before a leadership review, they ring like the snap of dry timber.

The facts are plain. D’Entremont said he could work more effectively for his region within government than in opposition. Jeneroux cited family and personal reasons, but the timing spoke volumes. Both men belong to the moderate, results-first wing of the party, the same wing that has looked increasingly uncomfortable under Pierre Poilievre’s sharply populist and combative leadership.

Poilievre remains a gifted communicator and fundraiser. A party is not built on charisma alone. The post-election landscape has left his caucus divided between those who want to double down on grievance politics and those who long for the days when Conservatives prided themselves on competence and calm. The upcoming January 2026 leadership review will force everyone to pick a side. Until then, MPs are doing the math on loyalty, re-election odds, and what they can still stomach.

There is arithmetic of another kind. Each defection moves the Liberals closer to a working majority and signals to uneasy Conservatives that crossing the floor might not mean political exile. It might mean relevance. Carney has left the door visibly ajar.

Beyond the chamber, Canadians watching from their kitchen tables may not feel much sympathy for inside-Ottawa melodrama, but they understand this much. When politicians start talking about family reasons, something larger is usually stirring in the walls.

So yes, the house still stands. But its timbers are talking. More MPs will listen to those creaks in the night and wonder whether to stay in a room where the wallpaper no longer feels like their colour.

Three possible tunes

If the past week is the prelude, the coming months could bring one of three tunes. The first is modest renovation. Poilievre steadies his leadership, wins the review, and a few more moderates quietly retire. The second is a managed reshuffle, with new leadership emerging after further defections. The third, less likely but not impossible, is a structural split. Red Tories in one wing, populists in another.

For now, the tea is still warm, the windows hold against the wind, and the Prime Minister has his recruitment list open. The rest of us can only keep an ear to the rafters and note how often the floorboards sigh.

Background and watchlist

The table below presents the verifiable facts we have, short background on each item, and why these MPs or groups are worth watching right now.

MP or GroupProvince or RidingStatus or FactsWhy to WatchSource Highlights
Chris d’EntremontNova Scotia · Acadie–AnnapolisCrossed the floor to the Liberals on November 4 2025First visible defection and the catalytic event. Cited alignment with government priorities.AP News November 4 2025 · Politico Canada November 4 2025
Matt JenerouxAlberta · Edmonton RiverbendAnnounced resignation effective spring 2026Timing fuels speculation of wider caucus unrest and coincides with a looming leadership review.Global News November 5 2025
Michael ChongOntario · Wellington–Halton HillsSenior moderate MP currently in caucusLong record of institutional moderation. Profile suggests potential isolation under combative leadership.Parliament of Canada profile · Hill Times analysis November 2025
Scott AitchisonOntario · Parry Sound–MuskokaFormer leadership candidate in 2022Advocates collegial tone and pragmatic policy. Leadership tone mismatch makes him a watchlist name.Leadership race records · CBC archives
Michelle Rempel GarnerAlberta · Calgary regionProminent independent Conservative voicePublicly critical on tone and culture issues. Could opt for retirement, re-alignment, or become a focal point for dissent.Policy Magazine profiles · Angus Reid commentary
Atlantic moderate MPsNova Scotia New Brunswick NewfoundlandGroup with regional pragmatic recordsRegionally pragmatic centrists who may feel alienated by Ottawa populism. The first defection came from this region.AP News November 2025 · Hill Times November 2025
Urban and suburban Ontario MPsGreater Toronto area and surrounding suburbsVarious MPs in ridings with narrow marginsIf local voters reject leader tone, re-election prospects dim and MPs may pre-emptively retire or seek other paths.Angus Reid Institute polling October 2025
Cross party pragmatistsVariousBackbenchers with a history of cross-party workThose who prefer cooperation to confrontation may choose to step away rather than remain in an increasingly combative caucus.Policy Magazine October 2025 · parliamentary reporting
Andrew Scheer and institutional figuresNationalSenior caucus roles and institutional influenceMore likely to organize a leadership challenge or delegate push than to cross the floor themselves.Hill Times November 2025 inside reporting

Speculation, modestly poured

If another resignation comes before Christmas, the pattern will be undeniable. The party’s centrist wing would be peeling away. A quiet exodus of three or four MPs could change committee balances and morale. Whether Poilievre can steady his caucus before the January review will decide if the blue house merely needs a new coat of paint or if the tenants start looking for a different address altogether.

Sources

  • AP News November 4 2025
  • Politico Canada November 4 2025
  • Global News November 5 2025
  • The Hill Times November 2025
  • Policy Magazine October 2025
  • Angus Reid Institute polling October 2025
  • Parliament of Canada public profiles and records

A Whisper of Momentum: Could the Democrats Be Tilting Toward a Kinder, More Grassroots Future?

Something is stirring within the Democratic Party of the United States. The off-year elections held this week were, in purely political terms, a resounding success. Democrats swept high-profile races in Virginia, New Jersey, and New York City, while quietly notching smaller but strategically vital wins in states like Georgia and California. These victories, taken together, have left political analysts wondering whether we are seeing the faint outlines of a new political momentum; one that could pull the party closer to its grassroots and, perhaps, toward a more caring, socially grounded, even socialist vision of governance.

In Virginia, Abigail Spanberger’s victory for governor was a study in moderate competence. Her campaign was pragmatic, rooted in local concerns: affordability, infrastructure, and the language of unity over ideology. In New Jersey, Mikie Sherrill followed a similar script, emphasizing trust and stability in a time of global uncertainty. Both are centrists, comfortable in the tradition of cautious, business-friendly Democratic politics that has defined the party’s leadership for decades.

And yet, something more radical glimmered elsewhere. In New York City, Zohran Mamdani, a self-described democratic socialist, captured the mayoralty with a platform that read like a manifesto for a more humane urban future: a rent freeze, free public transit, and universal childcare. His campaign attracted young voters and those disillusioned by what they see as the corporate centrism of Washington. For many, his win was not just local — it was symbolic. It suggested that, beneath the polished pragmatism of the party establishment, there lies a restless hunger for deeper change.

Down-ballot, too, the signs were intriguing. In Georgia, Democrats flipped Public Service Commission seats on the strength of voter frustration over energy prices, a victory built less on ideology than empathy for working-class struggles. In California, the passage of Proposition 50, which allows the legislature to draw congressional districts, handed Democrats a structural advantage that could support longer-term policy experimentation. Across the map, voters seemed to respond to messages centered on care: the cost of living, health, childcare, and the simple question of who the system serves.

These results invite a larger question: Are we witnessing the start of a shift toward a more caring, grassroots Democratic Party; one that takes social justice and collective wellbeing as its compass?

The case for optimism rests on several pillars. Mamdani’s win gives the left a tangible foothold in executive leadership, something not seen since the days of Bernie Sanders’ insurgent campaigns. The new generation of Democratic voters is younger, more diverse, and more skeptical of market orthodoxy than at any point in recent memory. The cost-of-living crisis has blurred the old ideological lines, making redistributive and solidarity-based policies newly attractive to the middle class. And in the wake of Trump’s re-election, the moral and cultural energy of resistance has turned inward, focusing less on opposition and more on what a humane Democratic vision might actually look like.

Yet optimism must coexist with realism. The party’s leadership remains firmly in centrist hands. The Democratic National Committee, congressional leadership, and major donor networks are aligned with a strategy of cautious coalition-building and market-compatible reform. They have reason to be pleased: the moderate playbook, they can argue, just won two governorships. Leaders like Spanberger and Sherrill embody the view that Democrats must win from the middle to govern at all. Their victories, like Joe Biden’s before them, reinforce the institutional belief that centrism is safety.

This is the core tension now facing the party: the grassroots energy that fuels local and progressive campaigns versus the corporate and donor-driven pragmatism that defines national leadership. For the socialist or justice-oriented wing to shape the future, it must turn local victories into durable infrastructure; unions, candidates, policy think tanks, and media networks that can sustain the pressure upward. Without that, the leadership will absorb the energy, rebrand it in softer language, and continue to steer the ship gently leftward without truly changing its course.

The most likely scenarios unfold along three lines. In the first, progressive candidates keep winning, their policies prove popular, and the national platform slowly adapts; integrating labour rights, universal childcare, and socialised public services into the mainstream Democratic identity. In the second, the leadership co-opts the rhetoric of care without altering the underlying economic model, producing a modestly kinder capitalism that soothes but does not transform. And in the third, the leadership doubles down on centrism, citing electability, and the left’s momentum fractures into isolated city-level experiments.

At this moment, it is too early to tell which path will prevail. The evidence of change is real, but fragile. Mamdani’s New York, after all, stands beside Spanberger’s Virginia; two visions of the Democratic Party separated by temperament, class, and strategy. The question is not whether the party can win, but what it intends to do with its wins.

Still, for those who believe in a more compassionate politics, one that measures success not by GDP but by dignity, these elections whisper possibility. The caring impulse, long buried under poll-tested language, is stirring again. It will take courage, organisation, and persistence to turn that whisper into policy, but every movement begins this way: not with a roar, but with the quiet sound of voters choosing empathy over fear.

Sources:
Reuters, Democrats bask in electoral victories a year after Trump’s reelection(Nov 5 2025)
The Guardian, Democrats have racked up election wins across America – but they would do well not to misread the results (Nov 5 2025)
Politico, The last time Democrats won like this was right before the 2018 blue wave (Nov 5 2025)
AP News, Georgia PSC races highlight voter anger over energy costs (Nov 5 2025)
NBC Washington, Takeaways from Election Day 2025 (Nov 5 2025).