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About Chris McBean

Strategist, polyamorist, ergodox, permaculture & agroforestry hobbyist, craft ale & cider enthusiast, white settler in Canada of British descent; a wanderer who isn’t lost.

Lines and Shadows: Policing the Border Together

For two centuries, the world’s longest undefended border has stood as both a symbol and a contradiction. Between Canada and the United States lies a line that is deeply cooperative yet fiercely guarded, a frontier where trust and sovereignty meet in uneasy balance. That balance is being tested again with new calls from American legislators to expand the reach of U.S. law enforcement onto Canadian soil.

Republican Congressman Nicholas Langworthy, joined by Rep. Elise Stefanik, introduced the Integrated Cross-Border Law Enforcement Operations Expansion Act in September 2025. The bill directs the U.S. Department of Homeland Security to negotiate agreements allowing more American agents to operate in Canada under joint or integrated frameworks. It explicitly contemplates the stationing of U.S. officers in Canadian territory and the extension of U.S. legal protections to them while engaged in such operations. The proposal builds upon the existing Shiprider program, a bilateral maritime policing arrangement first authorized in 2012 that allows mixed crews of RCMP and U.S. Coast Guard officers to pursue suspects seamlessly across the Great Lakes and coastal waters (Government of Canada, 2012).

At its best, cooperation of this kind can prevent traffickers, smugglers, and violent extremists from exploiting jurisdictional seams. Integrated units already share intelligence, coordinate arrests, and conduct joint investigations on both sides of the line. In a world of fentanyl trafficking, encrypted communications, and drone-borne smuggling, no single agency can claim full visibility. The argument for “shared enforcement” rests on practical necessity.

But there is a deeper question about sovereignty and democratic accountability. Policing power is among the most sensitive expressions of a nation’s authority. Allowing foreign officers to act, even in partnership, raises profound legal and moral concerns. Who answers to whom when something goes wrong? What laws govern a use-of-force incident in Quebec if the officer is wearing an American badge? The existing Shiprider framework attempts to answer this by designating the officer in charge to be of the host nation and requiring all participants to be cross-designated and subject to local law. Any expansion would need to preserve, not erode, that principle.

So far, Ottawa has not publicly commented on the Langworthy-Stefanik proposal. The silence may reflect caution: few Canadian governments wish to appear either obstructionist toward U.S. security interests or complacent about sovereignty. Yet the issue deserves open discussion. Cross-border policing already shapes daily life along the St. Lawrence, the Great Lakes, and the Pacific coast. The next evolution could redefine how nations share force, intelligence, and responsibility.

What is being tested is not merely a policy, but a philosophy, whether two democracies can defend their people without blurring the line that defines them. The border has long been a place where we practice cooperation without surrender. The challenge now is to ensure it remains so as law enforcement grows more integrated, technologically driven, and politically charged.

The shadow of that line may lengthen or lighten, depending on how both nations choose to police it together.

Sources:
• “Stefanik, Langworthy Introduce Bill to Expand Cross-Border Law Enforcement Operations,” Stefanik.house.gov, Sept 19 2025.
• Integrated Cross-Border Law Enforcement Operations Act (S.C. 2012, c. 19, s. 361), Government of Canada.
• Government of Canada backgrounder, “Shiprider: Integrated Cross-Border Maritime Law Enforcement,” Public Safety Canada, 2013

The Jade Tree and Carl Jung’s Synchronicity

I hadn’t thought about her in over a year. No particular reason. No emotional weight behind it. She just drifted across my mind, calmly, clearly, and I noted it, then moved on.

Half an hour later, my phone buzzed. A message from her. No small talk, no explanation. Just a photo of a jade tree I’d given her a while back. It looked healthy. Thriving, actually. She thought I’d like to see how well it was doing.

I thanked her for the photo, wished her well, and left it at that. I didn’t feel any great pull to re-engage, but the moment stayed with me, not because of her, but because of the timing. The randomness. The feeling that something just lined up.

Carl Jung had a name for this kind of thing: synchronicity. He defined it as a “meaningful coincidence”. Two or more events connected not by cause and effect, but by meaning. They happen together, seemingly by chance, but resonate with something deeper. He saw it as a sign that there’s more to reality than we can see or measure. That sometimes, our inner world and the outer world speak to each other. Quietly. Precisely.

I’m not someone who needs to romanticize everything. People reach out. Thoughts come and go. But there was something clean about this particular moment; no buildup, no emotional noise. Just the sense of a thread that hadn’t fully frayed. A small echo between two people, delivered through a jade tree and a phone screen.

There’s no need to dig into it more than that. I wasn’t longing for her. I wasn’t unresolved, but when synchronicity shows up like this, I pay attention. Not because I think it means something I need to act on, but because it reminds me I’m connected to more than just what’s in front of me.

Jung believed these moments reflected the presence of a collective unconscious, a shared field of symbolic meaning, memory, and emotion. A psychic network we’re all tuned into, whether we realize it or not. Maybe that’s true. Maybe it’s simpler than that. Maybe we just carry people with us in subtle ways, and now and then, something stirs.

What I know is this: there was no reason for her to reach out when she did. And no reason for me to be thinking of her right before. But she did. And I was. And I’m glad I noticed.

The jade tree is still growing. That’s enough.

The Democrats’ Dilemma: Mamdani, Progressive Policies, and the Party’s Future

Update – With Eric Adams now out of the 2025 New York City mayoral race, new polls show Zohran Mamdani maintaining a strong lead. Across Marist, Emerson, and Quinnipiac data, Mamdani holds steady in the mid-40s while Andrew Cuomo edges up to around 30 percent, suggesting Adams’ exit has done little to change the race’s overall direction.

Mainstream Democrats continue to treat left-of-center politics with caution, even as voter dissatisfaction, economic pressures, and social inequality push many Americans toward structural change. The tension has been evident in national interviews, where figures such as Vice President Kamala Harris offer measured support for progressive candidates like Zohran Mamdani, the insurgent Democratic nominee for mayor of New York City. That lukewarm endorsement reflects deeper structural and ideological dynamics: a party historically rooted in pragmatism and centrism struggles to reconcile its identity with the rising energy of its progressive wing.

Several factors explain this cautious stance. U.S. electoral politics favors moderation. The geography of swing states, the power of suburban and independent voters, and the design of the electoral college create incentives for Democrats to avoid appearing “radical.” Progressive policies, ranging from universal healthcare to rent freezes and free transit, often poll well in the abstract but face skepticism once voters consider costs, trade-offs, and feasibility. Party strategists worry that pursuing bold policies could alienate moderate or older voters, threatening general election viability.

Institutional pressures reinforce this cautious posture. The Democratic Party relies on a coalition that includes centrist politicians, business-aligned donors, and interest groups, many of whom prefer incremental reforms over systemic change. Media framing amplifies this risk, as ambitious proposals are often labeled “socialist” or “extreme,” creating a political environment in which party leaders hesitate to embrace bold policies fully. Even when polling shows popular support for measures such as stricter rent control or climate investment, strategic reticence prevails because of narrative risk and fear of electoral backlash.

The 2025 New York City mayoral race brings these dynamics into sharp relief. Zohran Mamdani, a democratic socialist from Queens, has built a platform around rent freezes, affordable housing, free bus service, and major public investment. For many progressives, his rise demonstrates that bold left-of-center policies can mobilize voters in one of the nation’s largest and most visible cities. For establishment Democrats, however, his candidacy raises questions about the party’s future direction and internal cohesion.

Polling indicates Mamdani enters the fall campaign as the clear front-runner. A Quinnipiac University survey of likely voters showed him at 45 percent, compared to Andrew Cuomo at 23 percent, Curtis Sliwa at 15 percent, and Eric Adams at 12 percent. (Adams has since dropped out of the race.) An AARP New York/Gotham Polling survey reported similar results, with Mamdani at 41.8 percent. Marist College and the New York Times/Siena College polls echo this pattern, consistently placing him near or above 45 percent. Two-way scenarios narrow the margin, Marist found Mamdani at 49 percent versus Cuomo’s 39 percent, but the general trend underscores his advantage. Mamdani’s support is strongest among younger voters, renters, and those most concerned about housing affordability and cost-of-living pressures, while Cuomo performs better with older voters and those prioritizing experience or safety.

A Mamdani victory could produce significant ramifications for the Democratic Party. Symbolically, it would validate progressive policy as electorally viable and energize activists nationwide. It could encourage ambitious policy proposals in housing, transit, and climate, pressuring other Democrats to adopt a more leftward orientation to remain relevant. The victory would also likely sharpen internal tensions, forcing a confrontation between centrists who favor incremental change and progressives advocating systemic reform.

National polling underscores the opportunity for such a shift. Surveys indicate widespread support for policies associated with progressive Democrats. Measures like a $15 minimum wage, universal pre-K, expanded childcare, and climate investment enjoy majority backing, even among some independents and moderate Republicans. Younger voters, in particular, consistently favor progressive positions, with many willing to endorse structural change across a range of economic and social issues. Yet a gap remains between policy support and ideological self-identification. Many Americans back specific policies without labeling themselves progressive or wanting the party to move sharply left, reflecting ambivalence about broader systemic change. Framing, trade-offs, and cost perceptions significantly influence these attitudes.

The interplay of local victories and national trends will shape the Democratic Party’s evolution. Mamdani’s success could embolden progressive candidates elsewhere and accelerate the adoption of left-of-center policy agendas. At the same time, his tenure would face significant constraints, including state law, budget limits, opposition from landlords and businesses, and the need to deliver tangible results. Failures or perceived missteps could reinforce centrist arguments that progressive policies are impractical, deepening intra-party divides.

Thus, the Democratic Party stands at a crossroads. Mainstream leaders remain cautious due to electoral risk, institutional pressure, and fear of alienating moderates. Nationally, public support for progressive policies is significant, particularly among younger voters and urban constituencies, but the party must balance ambition with pragmatism. The 2025 New York mayoral race offers a high-profile test of whether progressive governance can gain legitimacy and influence broader party strategy. A Mamdani victory could shift the party leftward and validate systemic reform, while setbacks or backlash could reinforce centrist control, illustrating the fragility and contested nature of the party’s ideological trajectory.

The Democratic Party’s future may hinge on its ability to reconcile grassroots enthusiasm for progressive change with the practical demands of governance and national electoral strategy. The outcome in New York may not only determine local policy, but also signal the direction of American liberal politics in the coming years.

A Transatlantic Lens: Exploring the Biggest Differences Between Europe and North America

The feedback I have been getting is that readers have been enjoying my serialised essays exploring subject matter to greater depth. This series of posts is for my friends on both sides of the Atlantic who love to debate this topic, often over European old growth wine and Alberta beef steaks.

Living in North America since the early 1990s as a European, I’m constantly struck by the quirks, surprises, and sometimes baffling differences between the continents. Over the next few weeks, I’ll explore ten key contrasts: spanning work, cities, food, and politics, and share what these differences mean in everyday life.

The Ten Differences

1. Social Safety Nets

In Europe, healthcare, pensions, and social support are expected parts of life. In North America, it’s more “your responsibility,” with benefits often tied to your job. It’s a mindset shift—comfort versus risk, security versus self-reliance, and it shapes so much of daily life.

2. Urban Planning and Transport

European cities invite walking, biking, and public transit. North American life often demands a car for everything. That difference affects how people socialize, shop, and spend their days. Suddenly, running errands isn’t quick, it’s a logistical decision.

3. Work-Life Balance

Europeans enjoy generous vacations and shorter workweeks. North Americans often work longer hours with less guaranteed downtime. Life here can feel like a constant race, while in Europe, there’s a stronger sense of living, not just working.

4. Cultural Formality and Etiquette

Europeans prize subtlety, traditions, and social cues. North Americans are casual, direct, and friendly—but sometimes painfully blunt. Adjusting between the two takes awareness: what feels warm here might feel sloppy there, and what feels polite there can seem distant here.

5. Business Practices

European companies lean toward consensus, careful planning, and stability. North American firms move fast, take risks, and chase growth. The difference shows up in meetings, negotiations, and career paths; you quickly learn when to push and when to wait.

6. Education Systems

Europe often offers low-cost or free higher education and emphasizes broad learning. North America favors expensive, specialized programs. The gap affects opportunities, student debt, and the way people approach learning for life versus learning for a career.

7. Food Culture

In Europe, meals are rituals – slow, social, and seasonal. Here, convenience and speed often rule, and portions are huge. That doesn’t just shape diets; it changes how people connect over meals and how they experience daily life.

8. Political Culture

European politics embrace multiple parties, coalitions, and compromise. North America leans on two parties and polarized debates. This difference affects trust, civic engagement, and how people view the government’s role in society.

9. History and Architecture

Europeans live among centuries of history in their streets, buildings, and laws. North America feels newer, faster, and more forward-looking. The environment subtly teaches what matters: continuity versus reinvention, roots versus growth.

10. Attitudes Toward Environment

Europe integrates sustainability into daily life: cycling, recycling, and urban planning. North American approaches vary, often prioritizing convenience or growth over ecology. Cultural attitudes toward responsibility shape everything from transportation to policy priorities.

These ten contrasts are just a glimpse of life across the Atlantic. In the weeks ahead, I’ll dive deeper into each, sharing stories, observations, and reflections. The goal isn’t just comparison, it’s understanding how culture shapes choices, habits, and even identity. Stay tuned for the journey.

The Comforting Cage: How Aldous Huxley Predicted Our Age of Distracted Control

In 1958, Aldous Huxley wrote a slender, but haunting volume titled Brave New World Revisited. It was his attempt to warn a generation already entranced by television, advertising, and early consumer culture that his 1932 dystopia was no longer fiction, it was unfolding in real time. Huxley believed that the most stable form of tyranny was not one enforced by fear, as in Orwell’s 1984, but one maintained through comfort, pleasure, and distraction. “A really efficient totalitarian state,” he wrote, “would be one in which the all-powerful executive…..control a population of slaves who do not have to be coerced, because they love their servitude.”

Huxley’s argument was not about overt repression, but about the subtle engineering of consent. He foresaw a world where governments and corporations would learn to shape desire, manage attention, and condition emotion. The key insight was that control could come wrapped in entertainment, convenience, and abundance. Power would no longer need to break the will, it could simply dissolve it in pleasure.

The Psychology of Voluntary Servitude
In Brave New World, the population is pacified by a combination of chemical pleasure, social conditioning, and endless amusement. Citizens are encouraged to consume, to stay busy, and to avoid reflection. The drug soma provides instant calm without consequence, while a system of engineered leisure: sport, sex, and spectacle keeps everyone compliant. Critical thought, solitude, and emotion are pathologized as “unnatural.”

In Revisited, Huxley warned that real-world versions of this society were forming through media and marketing. He recognized that advertising, propaganda, and consumer psychology had evolved into powerful instruments of social control. “The dictators of the future,” he wrote, “will find that education can be made to serve their purposes as efficiently as the rack or the stake.” What mattered was not to crush rebellion, but to prevent it from occurring by saturating people with triviality and comfort.

The result is a society of voluntary servitude, one in which citizens do not rebel because they do not wish to. They are too busy, too entertained, and too distracted to notice the shrinking space for independent thought.

From Propaganda to Persuasion
Huxley’s vision differed sharply from George Orwell’s. In 1984, the state controls through surveillance, fear, and censorship. In Huxley’s future, control is exercised through persuasion, pleasure, and distraction. Orwell feared that truth would be suppressed; Huxley feared it would be drowned in a sea of irrelevance. As Neil Postman put it in Amusing Ourselves to Death (1985), “Orwell feared those who would ban books. Huxley feared there would be no reason to ban a book, for there would be no one who wanted to read one.”

Modern societies have largely taken the Huxleyan path. The average person today is targeted by thousands of marketing messages per day, each designed to exploit cognitive bias and emotional need. Social media platforms fine-tune content to maximize engagement, rewarding outrage and impulse while eroding patience and depth. What Huxley described as a “soma” of distraction now takes the form of algorithmic pleasure loops and infinite scrolls.

This system is not maintained by coercion, but by the careful management of dopamine. We become self-regulating consumers in a vast behavioral economy, our desires shaped and sold back to us in a continuous cycle.

The Pharmacological and the Psychological
Huxley was also among the first to link chemical and psychological control. He predicted a “pharmacological revolution” that would make it possible to manage populations by adjusting mood and consciousness. He imagined a world where people might voluntarily medicate themselves into compliance, not because they were forced to, but because unhappiness or agitation had become socially unacceptable.

That world, too, has arrived. The global market for antidepressants, stimulants, and mood stabilizers exceeds $20 billion annually. These drugs do genuine good for many, but Huxley’s insight lies in the broader social psychology: a culture that prizes smooth functioning over introspection and equates emotional equilibrium with virtue. The line between healing and conditioning becomes blurred when the goal is to produce efficient, compliant, and content individuals.

Meanwhile, the tools of mass persuasion have become vastly more sophisticated than even Huxley imagined. Neuromarketing, data mining, and psychographic profiling allow advertisers and political campaigns to target individuals with surgical precision. The 2016 Cambridge Analytica scandal revealed just how easily personal data could be weaponized to shape belief and behavior while preserving the illusion of free choice.

The Politics of Distraction
What results is not classic authoritarianism but something more insidious: a managed democracy in which citizens remain formally free but existentially disengaged. Political discourse becomes entertainment, outrage becomes currency, and serious issues are reframed as spectacles. The goal is not to convince the public of a falsehood but to overwhelm them with contradictions until truth itself seems unknowable.

The philosopher Byung-Chul Han calls this the “achievement society,” where individuals exploit themselves under the illusion of freedom. Huxley anticipated this, writing that “liberty can be lost not only through active suppression but through passive conditioning.” The citizen who is perpetually entertained, stimulated, and comforted is not likely to notice that his choices have narrowed.

Resisting the Comforting Cage
Huxley’s warning was not anti-technology but anti-passivity. He believed that freedom could survive only if individuals cultivated awareness, attention, and critical thought. In Revisited, he proposed that education must teach the art of thinking clearly and resisting manipulation: “Freedom is not something that can be imposed; it is a state of consciousness.”

In an age where every click and scroll is monetized, the act of paying sustained attention may be the most radical form of resistance. To read deeply, to reflect, to seek solitude, these are not mere habits but acts of self-preservation in a culture that thrives on distraction.

Huxley’s world was one where people loved their servitude because it was pleasurable. Ours is one where servitude feels like connection: constant, frictionless, and comforting. Yet the essence of his message remains the same: the most effective form of control is the one we mistake for freedom.

Sources:
• Aldous Huxley, Brave New World (1932)
• Aldous Huxley, Brave New World Revisited (1958)
• Neil Postman, Amusing Ourselves to Death (1985)
• Shoshana Zuboff, The Age of Surveillance Capitalism (2019)
• Byung-Chul Han, The Burnout Society (2015)
• Christopher Lasch, The Culture of Narcissism (1979)

Why We Must Rethink Policing: History, Failure, and a Path Forward

The Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) has long been emblematic of the modern police force, yet recent investigations, including the BBC Panorama undercover report and the Baroness Casey Review, have exposed deep-seated issues within the institution. These revelations highlight systemic racism, sexism, and a culture that often undermines public trust. This essay argues that the foundational purpose of policing—to protect property and maintain order—has evolved in a manner that no longer aligns with contemporary societal needs. Drawing on recent findings, it contends that the current model of policing is inadequate and proposes a reimagined approach to public safety.

Introduction

The inception of modern policing can be traced back to Sir Robert Peel’s establishment of the Metropolitan Police Service in 1829. Designed to protect property and maintain order, the force’s primary function was to serve the interests of the propertied classes. Over time, the role of police expanded to encompass broader public safety responsibilities. However, recent investigative reports have cast a spotlight on the MPS’s internal culture, revealing systemic issues that question the efficacy and fairness of the current policing model.

Historical Context: The Origins of Modern Policing

Sir Robert Peel’s creation of the MPS was predicated on the need to protect property and maintain social order. This foundational purpose embedded certain priorities within the institution, emphasizing control and enforcement over community engagement and support. As policing evolved, these priorities became ingrained in the institution’s culture, influencing recruitment, training, and operational strategies.

Recent Investigations and Findings

BBC Panorama Undercover Report

In a groundbreaking undercover investigation, BBC Panorama exposed disturbing behaviors within a central London custody suite. Officers were recorded making racist, misogynistic, and Islamophobic remarks, dismissing rape allegations, and boasting about harming detainees. This footage not only shocked the public but also underscored the existence of a toxic culture within the MPS that tolerates discriminatory behavior.

Baroness Casey Review

Commissioned in the wake of the murder of Sarah Everard by a serving officer, the Baroness Casey Review aimed to assess the standards of behavior and internal culture of the MPS. The 2023 report concluded that the MPS is institutionally racist, sexist, and homophobic. It identified systemic failures, including inadequate leadership, a lack of accountability, and a culture that tolerates discrimination. The review’s findings align with the concerns raised by the Panorama investigation, painting a grim picture of the institution’s internal dynamics.

The Inadequacy of the Current Policing Model

The revelations from these investigations suggest that the current model of policing is ill-equipped to serve the diverse and evolving needs of society. The emphasis on enforcement and control, rooted in the historical purpose of protecting property, has led to practices that disproportionately affect marginalized communities. For instance, Black Londoners are more likely to experience police powers such as stop and search, and there is a significant disproportionality in arrest rates.

Furthermore, the culture within the MPS, as highlighted by both the Panorama report and the Casey Review, often undermines public trust. Discriminatory behaviors are not only prevalent but are also tolerated or ignored, leading to a breakdown in the relationship between the police and the communities they serve.

The BBC Panorama Investigation: A Real-Time Illustration

The BBC Panorama undercover investigation inside a central Met custody unit documented officers making racist, misogynistic and Islamophobic remarks, dismissing rape allegations and boasting about harming detainees. The Met responded by suspending officers, disbanding the implicated custody team and opening fast-track disciplinary procedures. The Independent Office for Police Conduct launched further inquiries. The footage shocked national leaders and civil society and rekindled debate about whether incremental internal reform is adequate. The Panorama material must be read alongside the Casey review and prior IOPC reports to see the pattern of failure.

Rethinking Public Safety: Principles for a New Design

  • Separation of Enforcement and Care: Crisis responses, particularly those involving mental health, homelessness, and substance abuse, should be led by trained professionals such as social workers and healthcare providers.
  • Community-Based Policing: Policing should be localized, with officers embedded within communities to build trust and understanding, emphasizing prevention and engagement over enforcement.
  • Accountability and Transparency: Independent oversight bodies should monitor police conduct and ensure accountability. Transparency in operations is crucial to rebuild public trust.
  • Cultural Transformation: Address ingrained institutional discrimination with comprehensive training, clear policies, and a commitment to diversity and inclusion.

Conclusion

The recent investigations into the Metropolitan Police Service have illuminated deep-rooted issues that question the institution’s ability to serve the public effectively and equitably. The historical purpose of policing, focused on protecting property and maintaining order, has evolved in a manner that no longer aligns with the needs of contemporary society. By reimagining public safety through a model that emphasizes care, community engagement, accountability, and cultural transformation, we can build a system that truly serves all members of society. The Panorama footage, the Casey review findings and related inquiries make the imperative clear. It is time to take the harder path and redesign how we secure public safety for everyone.

References

  1. BBC Panorama. (2023). Undercover: Inside the Met.
  2. Casey, L. (2023). Baroness Casey Review: Independent Review into the Standards of Behaviour and Internal Culture of the Metropolitan Police Service.
  3. Hackney Council. (2023). The Met Police as an institution is broken.
  4. Southwark Council. (2023). Response to Baroness Casey’s Final Report.
  5. Mayor’s Office for Policing and Crime (MOPAC). (2024). London Policing Board Equality Impact Assessment.
  6. Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC). (2024). Race Discrimination Report.

Echoes of Empire: Israel, Settler Colonialism, and the Future Legitimacy of Hamas

To argue that Israel is merely the latest in a series of colonial powers, one must first place its establishment and policies in a broader historical context. The creation of Israel in 1948 fits within the broader framework of Western colonialism, where European powers imposed their influence and control over territories in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. The Balfour Declaration of 1917, in which Britain promised to facilitate the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, was a significant milestone in this regard. For Palestinians and their supporters, Israel represents an extension of Western imperialism, where the interests of European powers and their settler populations took precedence over the rights of indigenous people.

Israel’s actions, such as the construction of settlements in the West Bank and its long-standing blockade of Gaza, are frequently seen as modern expressions of settler colonialism. In these policies, parallels can be drawn with historical colonial practices where indigenous populations were displaced and marginalized. The ongoing expansion of Israeli territory, particularly following the 1967 Six-Day War, reinforces this perspective. Many Palestinians and their allies view Israel’s occupation and annexation of land as a form of Western-backed colonial domination, perpetuated by powerful allies like the United States.

In this context, groups like Hamas are positioned as resistance movements, much like anti-colonial forces that have fought against imperial domination in other regions. Hamas, founded in 1987 during the First Intifada, perceives itself as a defender of Palestinian rights and sovereignty. While currently labeled as a terrorist organization by Israel, the United States, and the European Union, this status might be reconsidered in the future, much as other revolutionary movements once designated as terrorists have been recontextualized.

A strong comparison can be made between Hamas and the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) in the 1970s and 1980s. Both organizations were born out of frustration with the perceived domination and occupation of their homelands by foreign powers. In Northern Ireland, the PIRA emerged in response to the British government’s involvement and control over the region, which many Irish nationalists considered a form of colonialism. Similarly, Hamas sees Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories as an affront to their national sovereignty.

Both groups relied heavily on armed struggle, including acts of violence that targeted both military and civilian entities, in their efforts to achieve political aims. Just as Hamas has launched rocket attacks on Israeli cities and employed suicide bombers, the PIRA carried out bombings, assassinations, and ambushes targeting British soldiers, government officials, and civilians in Northern Ireland and England. The PIRA justified its actions as part of a broader fight for Irish independence and reunification, while Hamas views its military actions as part of a resistance against Israeli occupation and for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.

Furthermore, both organizations have been characterized by their dual roles as political and militant entities. The PIRA worked closely with Sinn Féin, its political wing, to gain support for its cause, while Hamas operates both a military wing and provides social services through its political wing. In the case of the PIRA, after years of violence, the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 allowed for a political resolution to the conflict in Northern Ireland. The PIRA agreed to lay down its arms, and Sinn Féin transitioned into a legitimate political party, representing the interests of Irish nationalists in a peaceful political process.

Hamas, too, has maintained a significant role in Palestinian governance, particularly after its electoral victory in Gaza in 2006. While the group has not laid down its arms or accepted a negotiated settlement with Israel, it continues to wield significant political power. As with the PIRA, the eventual resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict could result in a reappraisal of Hamas’s role, with the possibility of its evolution into a fully political organization recognized by the international community.

While many argue that Hamas’s violent methods and hardline stance make it an obstacle to peace, others contend that it represents a legitimate expression of Palestinian resistance to Israeli occupation. In this narrative, just as the PIRA was ultimately seen as a key player in the peace process in Northern Ireland, Hamas may one day be regarded as a crucial political actor that fought for Palestinian freedom, even if its methods were controversial.

By framing Israel as the latest in a line of colonial powers and drawing comparisons between Hamas and movements like the PIRA, one can argue that Hamas, over time, may be viewed through a different lens. Like the PIRA, which was once seen solely as a terrorist organization, but later recognized as part of a legitimate political process, Hamas might also be reinterpreted as a political organization that fought for the freedom and self-determination of the Palestinian people. Such a shift in perception may only come with a lasting resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but historical precedent suggests that it is not an impossible outcome.

Five Things We Learned This Week

Week of September 29 – October 5, 2025

Another week where science, markets and policy nudged the world in small and big ways. Below are five date-checked items from September 29 → October 5, 2025, each drawn from primary reporting and checked for event dates.


🔭 Webb hints at an atmosphere on TRAPPIST-1e

On Oct 1, 2025 teams working with James Webb Telescope data reported spectral hints consistent with an atmosphere around the rocky exoplanet TRAPPIST-1e. The results are preliminary and require follow-up spectroscopy, but they raise the possibility that this nearby world could retain gases relevant to habitability. Why it matters: Detecting an atmosphere on a nearby rocky planet would be a major step toward assessing exoplanet habitability and prioritizing future observations.

🛰️ Webb detects moon-forming chemistry around CT Cha b

Between Sept 29 – Oct 4, 2025, NASA and STScI highlighted Webb spectroscopy showing a circumplanetary disk around the young planet CT Cha b with molecules associated with moon formation — organics and simple hydrocarbons were reported in the disk. Why it matters: Observing moon-forming chemistry beyond the Solar System gives new insight into how satellite systems assemble and how common moon formation may be.

📉 U.S. services sector stalls as new orders weaken (ISM, Oct 3)

On Oct 3, 2025 the ISM non-manufacturing index fell to the 50 breakeven level, with new orders plunging and employment in the sector remaining weak — a clear slowdown in the U.S. services economy. Why it matters: Services dominate the U.S. economy; a stall raises the odds of central-bank easing and changes the outlook for jobs and growth.

📉 Canada’s services PMI contracts further (S&P Global, Oct 3)

Also on Oct 3, 2025 S&P Global reported Canada’s services PMI at 46.3 in September — a three-month low signaling continued contraction, with declines in employment and outstanding business. Why it matters: The slide points to economic vulnerability in Canada and will factor into Bank of Canada policy deliberations.

👷 Planned hiring at its weakest in 16 years even as layoffs ease (Oct 2)

On Oct 2, 2025 reports showed U.S. planned hiring for the year fell to its lowest level in 16 years, even as announced layoffs eased in September — a sign of persistent caution among employers. Why it matters: Weak hiring intentions alongside lower layoffs indicate a cautious labour market that could keep wage and inflation pressures muted and alter growth prospects.


Closing thoughts: From possible atmospheres on nearby rocky worlds to warning lights in services sectors and hiring plans, this week mixed cosmic curiosity with economic caution. We’ll keep tracking these threads—scientific, fiscal, and social—and bring you the five things worth your attention every Saturday.

Sources

Four Reforms to Make the Feds Smaller, Smarter, and More Accountable

With a Fall budget on its way, I think it’s time to provide a little input to the government’s thinking. I plan on developing these ideas further over the next few days before Canada’s Finance Minister François-Philippe Champagne delivers the 2025 Federal Budget in the House of Commons on November 4, 2025.

Canadians are right to expect more from their government. Every year, the federal payroll grows, administrative costs rise, and services often fail to keep pace with expectations. Prime Minister Mark Carney has a rare opportunity: to modernize Ottawa, reduce waste, and deliver real results for citizens. Four reforms can achieve this vision: ending internal cost recovery, unifying pay and bargaining, adopting outcomes-based management with planned workforce reduction, and automating taxation for wage-only employees.

End internal cost recovery
Departments and agencies currently bill each other for routine services. Justice Canada invoices other departments for legal advice, Shared Services Canada bills for IT support, and administrative units cross-charge for HR and translation. This internal economy consumes thousands of staff hours for paperwork that adds no value to Canadians. Ending cost recovery would simplify budgeting, reduce bureaucracy, and free public servants to focus on meaningful work. Money would be directly appropriated for services, and departments judged by the outcomes they deliver, not the invoices they process.

Adopt a single pay scale and central bargaining agent
The current patchwork of pay scales and multiple unions is costly, confusing, and inequitable. Starting April 1, 2027, all new hires, and any promotions thereafter, should be placed on a single pay scale, with a central bargaining agent representing these employees. Over time, as legacy staff retire, the workforce will converge onto a transparent, uniform system. This builds on decades of prior harmonization work, such as the Universal Classification Standard (UCS) project, and dramatically reduces administrative complexity while ensuring fair and consistent compensation.

Focus on outcomes and shrink the workforce responsibly
Too often, success in Ottawa is measured by hours logged or forms completed. Shifting to outcomes-based management holds departments and employees accountable for results citizens can see. With clearer accountability, the government can responsibly reduce its workforce by 5% annually over five years through attrition and selective hiring. This ensures a smaller, more focused public service while maintaining service quality and providing a review point to adjust if needed.

Automate taxation for wage-only employees
Millions of Canadians file annual tax returns despite receiving income solely through employment, which is already subject to withholding for income tax, CPP, and EI. Like many European systems, Canada could automate reconciliation for these taxpayers, eliminating the need to file a return. This reform would dramatically reduce compliance burdens, shrink the Canada Revenue Agency, and allow the agency to focus on enforcement and complex cases rather than processing simple returns.

A coherent vision for reform
These four reforms share a common principle: simplify, focus, and deliver. They reduce waste, cut bureaucracy, and ensure public servants are evaluated on results rather than paperwork. They free staff to concentrate on tasks that provide tangible value to Canadians while saving hundreds of millions annually in administrative costs.

Prime Minister Carney has the chance to lead Canada into a new era of efficient, accountable government. Ending internal cost recovery, unifying pay, managing for outcomes, and automating taxation are practical, proven, and achievable reforms. Canadians deserve a federal government that works smarter, spends taxpayer dollars wisely, and prioritizes service above bureaucracy.

Preclearance, NEXUS, and Nonsense: The Ambassador Who Cried ‘Play Nice’

Diplomacy, as the textbooks remind us, is supposed to be the fine art of saying nothing offensive in as many words as possible while drinking bad coffee in conference rooms. But nobody seems to have given that manual to Pete Hoekstra, the newly minted U.S. Ambassador to Canada, who has decided to trade in understatement for a megaphone. In the span of a few short months, Hoekstra has managed to scold Canadians for not being sufficiently pro-American, accuse us of harboring “anti-American” slogans, and downplay Canada’s concerns about border overreach. If he’s aiming for “charm offensive,” he has nailed the second half of the phrase.

This is, of course, not the first time Canada and the U.S. have had words. We’ve bickered over softwood lumber, dairy tariffs, steel quotas, pipelines, and, once upon a time, acid rain. But usually ambassadors play the role of polite go-between, smoothing over disputes while the real political firestorms rage between ministers and presidents. Hoekstra seems to have missed the memo: his preferred strategy is less smooth diplomacy, more bull in a China shop – minus the bull’s natural grace.

His latest theme? Canadians just aren’t playing nice. We apparently spend too much time with “elbows up,” as if the entire country were auditioning for beer league hockey. He’s miffed that Canada has dared to issue travel advisories about U.S. border searches, insisting those reports are “isolated events.” Never mind that Canadian travelers actually experienced them. It’s a bit like telling someone who just got splashed by a passing truck that rain isn’t real.

Nowhere is this attitude more obvious than in the discussions around U.S. preclearance, the system where American border officers operate inside Canadian airports, inspecting passengers before they even board a plane to the United States. For travelers, preclearance is handy: you arrive stateside as a domestic passenger, skip long immigration lines, and make your connections. For the U.S., it’s even better: it lets them enforce their rules on foreign soil, keeping anyone they don’t like from ever boarding. For Canada, it’s…..complicated. Preclearance represents cooperation, yes, but also a certain loss of sovereignty. Not surprisingly, Ottawa sometimes drags its heels on expansion.

To Hoekstra, though, Canada’s reluctance to roll out the red carpet for more American officers in our airports amounts to ingratitude. The U.S. gives us this wonderful gift, he implies, and we respond with suspicion. It’s the diplomatic equivalent of scolding a dinner guest for not raving loudly enough about the casserole. The irony is rich: when Canada recently announced its first landpreclearance operation in the U.S., with Canadian officers screening travelers at a New York border crossing, nobody in Ottawa suggested that Americans were being unfriendly. Apparently only Canadians can be accused of bad manners.

And then there’s NEXUS, the trusted traveler program that makes cross-border trips bearable for frequent fliers. Here, too, Canada and the U.S. cooperate closely, with Canadians now able to use Global Entry kiosks thanks to their NEXUS membership. But you wouldn’t know it from the ambassador’s rhetoric. He talks as if the U.S. is single-handedly shouldering the burden of efficiency while Canada stubbornly blocks progress. The reality is that both sides benefit and both sides foot the bill. Preclearance doesn’t spring fully formed from Washington; Canadian airports build the facilities, Canadian taxpayers share the costs, and Canadian sovereignty bends to make it possible.

So why the sharp elbows from Hoekstra? Partly it’s style, he has never been known as a shrinking violet. But partly it reflects a broader U.S. strategy of leaning harder on Canada. The two countries are already sparring at the World Trade Organization over tariffs that Ottawa calls “unjustified.” Washington wants more Canadian concessions on energy, environment, and defense spending. Ambassadors don’t freelance in these circumstances; they set the tone their bosses in the White House prefer. If that tone is loud, impatient, and dismissive of Canadian sensitivities, then Hoekstra is performing to spec.

Still, it’s worth noting how Canadians are responding. While most don’t object to preclearance itself, after all, we enjoy shorter lines at airports, there is resistance to being lectured about it. Canadians pride themselves on being cooperative partners, not subordinate provinces. When the ambassador claims Canada isn’t “playing nice,” many hear it as “you’re not agreeing quickly enough with U.S. demands.” The fact that Canada has invested in NEXUS expansions, shared intelligence, and even put its own officers on U.S. soil underlines the absurdity of the accusation.

In the end, Hoekstra’s style may generate headlines, but it risks eroding goodwill. Diplomacy works best when it feels like a partnership of equals, not a schoolteacher scolding a roomful of students. Canadians are famously polite, but we’re also famously stubborn when pushed. If the ambassador thinks a little tough talk will get Canada to open every airport door to U.S. preclearance, he may be in for a long wait.

Until then, travelers will keep swiping their NEXUS cards, lining up at preclearance facilities, and quietly rolling their eyes at the spectacle. After all, Canadians know that living next to the United States is a bit like living next to an elephant. When it shifts, you feel it. When it trumpets, you really feel it. And when the ambassador starts lecturing you about your manners, sometimes the most diplomatic response is the Canadian classic: a polite smile, a quiet mutter, and an elbow gently nudged back into his ribs.