A Grocery Tax Credit Alone Cannot Fix Rising Food Prices

Posted on January 29, 2026 by Chris McBean

Canada’s recent announcement of an enhanced grocery-focused tax credit represents a fiscal effort to address household affordability pressures, yet it stops well short of tackling the underlying drivers of elevated food prices. The Canada Groceries and Essentials Benefit expands the existing Goods and Services Tax (GST) credit by roughly 25% for five years and includes a one-time 50% top-up payment in 2026. This adjustment aims to put additional cash into the hands of low- and modest-income families facing grocery price inflation, particularly in urban centres where household budgets are already stretched. [Source]

Estimated Annual Benefit under Canada Groceries and Essentials Benefit, 2026

Household Type	Approx. Eligible Population	Current GST Credit (CAD)	Proposed Credit Increase (%)	Estimated Annual Benefit (CAD)
Single adult	3.2 million	443	25%	554
Couple, no children	2.5 million	566	25%	708
Single parent, 1 child	1.4 million	575	25%	719
Single parent, 2 children	0.8 million	765	25%	956
Couple, 2 children	2.1 million	1,512	25%	1,890

While additional income support can indeed help households cope with higher nominal grocery bills, it does not alter the prices displayed on supermarket shelves. Grocery stores set prices based on a complex array of supply-side factors that lie outside direct consumer control: global commodity costs, transportation and fuel expenses, labour and packaging inputs, and competitive dynamics among retail chains. The benefit’s design boosts purchasing power without addressing these structural determinants of food prices, meaning that support can be absorbed by continued price increases rather than translating into lower costs at the till.

The policy’s focus on cash transfers also leaves out many of the indirect pressures on affordability. Rising energy prices, fluctuations in the Canadian dollar, and climate-related impacts on domestic agriculture have contributed to a higher cost base for essential foods. While the government intends the credit to be a temporary buffer, households may continue to feel the pinch if structural cost drivers are not addressed simultaneously.

Recent Food Price Inflation by Category (Canada)

Category	Year-over-Year Change
Grocery overall	+4.7% (Nov 2025)
Fresh or frozen beef	+17.7% (Nov 2025)
Coffee	+27.8% (Nov 2025)
Fresh vegetables	+3.7% (Apr 2025)
Eggs	+3.9% (Apr 2025)
Bakery products	+2.1% (Oct 2025)
Dairy	+1.4% (Oct 2025)

Economic evidence from the last several quarters shows that grocery inflation in Canada has consistently outpaced general inflation, intensifying concerns about affordability. Certain staples, such as beef and coffee, have experienced particularly sharp increases due to both international market volatility and domestic supply constraints. Meanwhile, vegetables, eggs, and dairy, while increasing at a slower pace, contribute to the cumulative pressure on household budgets. The uneven nature of these price increases highlights the limitations of a single cash transfer in addressing widespread cost pressures. [Source]

Critics of the grocery tax credit correctly note that without accompanying measures to control prices or enhance competition, the benefit functions primarily as a transfer payment rather than a price-stabilization mechanism. If households receive more after-tax income but supply bottlenecks or concentrated market structures enable retailers to maintain high markups, the net effect on real affordability may be muted. Economists caution that demand-side fiscal support can, in certain contexts, perpetuate inflationary pressures if it is not paired with supply-side reforms that ease cost pressures or intensify competition.

Structural reforms could take several forms. Stronger enforcement of competition law to reduce the market power of dominant grocery chains could increase pricing discipline. Targeted subsidies for producers or investments in logistics could help lower costs upstream, which may eventually be reflected in lower retail prices. Carefully calibrated price controls, while politically sensitive, could provide temporary relief for essential goods. Each option carries trade-offs, including potential impacts on supply reliability and long-term market incentives, but all address the fundamental drivers of high prices in ways that cash transfers alone cannot.

While the enhanced GST credit may help buffer household budgets in the short term, it is not a substitute for policies that alter the economics of food pricing. Without interventions that directly address supply constraints, market concentration, or cost pressures, consumer relief will depend on continued transfers rather than a fundamental correction of price dynamics. Future discussions on food affordability would benefit from integrating demand support with concrete strategies to increase supply efficiency, foster competition, and reduce the cost of essential goods. [Source]

Five Hundred Posts

Posted on January 20, 2026 by Chris McBean

This is the 500th post on Rowanwood Chronicles, and I want to pause for a moment rather than rush past the number.

Five hundred posts means months of thinking in public. It means essays written early in the morning with coffee going cold, notes drafted in train stations and kitchens, arguments refined and re-refined, and ideas that only became clear because I was willing to write them out imperfectly first. It means following threads of geopolitics, technology, culture, relationships, power, science fiction, and lived experience wherever they led, even when they led somewhere uncomfortable or unfashionable.

This blog was never intended to be a brand or a platform. It has always been a workshop. A place to test ideas, to connect dots, to push back against lazy thinking, and to explore what it means to live ethically and deliberately in a complicated world. Some posts have aged well. Others mark exactly where my thinking was at the time, and I am content to leave them there as signposts rather than monuments.

What has surprised me most over these five hundred posts is not how much I have written, but how much I have learned from the responses, private messages, disagreements, and quiet readers who later surfaced to say, “That piece helped me name something.” Writing in public creates a strange kind of community, one built less on agreement than on shared curiosity.

To those who have been reading since the early days, thank you for staying. To those who arrived last week, welcome. To those who argue with me in good faith, you have sharpened my thinking more than you know. And to those who read quietly without ever commenting, you are still part of this.

I have no intention of slowing down. There are still too many systems to interrogate, futures to imagine, and human stories worth telling. Five hundred posts in, Rowanwood Chronicles remains what it has always been: a place to think carefully, write honestly, and refuse simple answers.

Onward.

Canada’s Strategic Realignment in a Fragmenting Trade Order

Posted on January 17, 2026 by Chris McBean

The announcement of a preliminary trade agreement between Canada and the People’s Republic of China marks a consequential inflection point in the global economic architecture. After years of diplomatic estrangement rooted in the 2018 detention of Huawei’s chief financial officer and attendant reprisals, Ottawa and Beijing have agreed to reduce bilateral trade barriers through a calibrated package of tariff concessions. Canada will permit up to 49,000 Chinese-made electric vehicles to enter its market annually at a reduced tariff of 6.1 percent, a return to pre-friction levels from the 2020s. In exchange, China will sharply cut its punitive tariffs on Canadian canola seed from combined rates near 85 percent down to about 15 percent, while lifting discriminatory levies on key exports such as canola meal, lobsters, crabs, and peas. These changes are expected to unlock roughly $3 billion in new Canadian export orders and signal a thaw in a protracted trade dispute.

This agreement emerges against a backdrop of intensifying US-China economic competition and a United States increasingly inclined toward protectionist measures. The United States maintains significant tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles and other strategically sensitive sectors, rooted in concerns about industrial policy, technological transfer, and national security. Canada’s decision to diverge from a more restrictive approach reflects both structural economic imperatives and evolving geopolitical realities. With roughly three-quarters of Canadian exports traditionally destined for the United States and less than four percent for China, Ottawa’s longstanding dependence on the US market has been a defining feature of its trade strategy. The latest negotiation illustrates a deliberate pursuit of diversification in the face of unpredictable US policy shifts.

At the heart of this emerging alignment is a sober recognition of China’s dominant position in the global electric-vehicle and clean-technology ecosystem. China accounts for a majority share of global EV production, lithium-ion battery cell manufacturing, and solar panel capacity, a lead that Western policymakers have struggled to counteract through subsidies or industrial policy alone. By integrating Chinese EVs into the Canadian market through a regulated tariff-quota system, Ottawa positions itself to benefit from more competitive prices and accelerated adoption of low-emission vehicles, even as domestic industry voices warn of competitive displacement.

The divergence between Ottawa and Washington on trade policy toward China carries deeper strategic significance. Historically, Canada has aligned closely with US economic and security policy, particularly within the framework of the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA). Canada’s recalibration suggests a growing willingness among middle powers to pursue “interest-based” engagement with Beijing that does not hew strictly to US strategic preferences. This trend is symptomatic of a broader fracturing in the global trade order, in which rising geopolitical competition has weakened the coherence of multilateral frameworks once anchored by US leadership. According to recent geopolitical scholarship, trade flows and global value chains increasingly reflect shifting alignments, with countries navigating between competing spheres of influence amid overlapping crises and supply chain stresses.

For the United States, this development presents a diplomatic quandary. A unified North American stance on trade with China amplified US leverage in negotiations with Beijing. Canada’s independent course potentially dilutes that leverage and underscores the limits of expectation that allied economies will subordinate their economic interests to US strategic imperatives. Washington’s initial reaction has been measured but critical, framing Canada’s move as “problematic” even as it acknowledges Ottawa’s sovereign right to pursue its own agreements. Such rhetoric highlights the tension between aligning with US China-policy goals and defending national economic interests in a volatile global environment.

At a structural level, the Canada–China deal exemplifies a broader reconfiguration of global trade relationships in an era of geopolitical competition. The traditional model of a US-centric trade order is giving way to a more multipolar economic landscape in which regional power centers and bilateral arrangements exert greater influence. Emerging trade partnerships, whether in clean technology, agriculture, or energy cooperation, reflect pragmatic calculations by states seeking stability, market access, and technological advantage. The interplay between geopolitical alignment and economic policy suggests that future trade patterns will be shaped less by universal norms and more by strategic hedging, selective engagement, and competitive statecraft.

In this context, the Canada–China agreement serves as both a practical economic arrangement and a geopolitical signal. It indicates an era in which middle powers aspire to greater autonomy in foreign economic policy, navigating between competing great powers and recalibrating long-standing alliances to safeguard national interests within a fragmented system of global trade.

Food Security Is Canada’s Next National Imperative

Posted on December 30, 2025 by Chris McBean

Canada has long built its agri-food reputation on food safety and quality. Rigorous inspection systems, traceability protocols, and high sanitation standards have made Canadian products trusted both domestically and on the global market. But while these strengths remain critical, they are no longer sufficient. In an era of accelerating climate disruption, geopolitical instability, supply chain fragility, and rising inequality, Canada must now turn its focus to food security – the guarantee that all people, at all times, have reliable access to enough affordable, nutritious food.

Food safety ensures that the food we consume is free from contamination. Food quality ensures it meets certain standards of freshness, nutrition, and presentation. These are the cornerstones of consumer trust. Yet, neither concept addresses the structural risks facing our food system today. Food security asks a different set of questions: Can Canadian households afford the food they need? Can our food system withstand climate shocks, trade disputes, and infrastructure breakdowns? Are our supply chains inclusive, decentralized, and flexible enough to adapt to major disruptions?

Recent events have underscored the fragility of our current system. During the COVID-19 pandemic, disruptions to cross-border trucking and meat processing plants exposed just how centralized and brittle key segments of Canada’s food supply have become. In British Columbia, floods in 2021 cut off rail and road access to Vancouver, leading to supermarket shortages within days. In the North and many Indigenous communities, chronic underinvestment has made access to affordable, fresh food unreliable at the best of times, and catastrophic during crises.

Moreover, food insecurity is rising, not falling. In 2023, over 18 percent of Canadian households reported some level of food insecurity, with that number climbing higher among single mothers, racialized Canadians, and people on fixed incomes. Food banks, once seen as emergency stopgaps, are now regular institutions in Canadian life. This is not a failure of food safety or quality. It is a failure of access and equity – core dimensions of food security.

Part of the problem lies in how Canada conceptualizes its agri-food system. At the federal level, agriculture is still often framed as an export sector rather than a foundational pillar of domestic well-being. Policy is shaped by trade metrics, not food sovereignty. We excel at producing wheat, pork, and canola for overseas markets, but remain heavily reliant on imports for fruits, vegetables, and processed goods. Controlled-environment agriculture remains underdeveloped in most provinces, leaving the country vulnerable to droughts, supply chain blockages, and foreign policy flare-ups.

To move toward food security, Canada must first reframe its priorities. This means investing in local and regional food systems that shorten supply chains and embed resilience close to where people live. It means modernizing food infrastructure: cold storage, processing capacity, and distribution networks, particularly in underserved rural and northern communities. It means supporting small and medium-scale producers who can provide diversified, adaptive supply within regional ecosystems. It also means integrating food policy with social policy. Income supports, housing, health, and food access are intertwined. Any serious food security strategy must address affordability alongside production.

Several provinces have begun to lead. Quebec has developed a coordinated framework focused on food autonomy, greenhouse expansion, regional processing, and public education. British Columbia is experimenting with local procurement strategies and urban farming initiatives. But the federal government has not yet articulated a cohesive national food security agenda. The 2019 Food Policy for Canada set out promising goals, but lacked the legislative weight and funding to shift the structure of the system itself.

Now is the time to act. Climate events will increase in frequency and severity. Global trade dynamics are growing more volatile. Technological transformation and consumer expectations are evolving rapidly. A resilient, secure food system cannot be improvised in moments of crisis. It must be designed, invested in, and governed intentionally.

Canada’s record on food safety and quality is a strength to build on. But it is not enough. Food security is the challenge of this decade. Meeting it will require a new policy imagination, one that centres equity, redundancy, and sustainability as the foundations of a food system truly built to serve all Canadians.

Canada and the CUSMA Crossroads: Policy Recommendations for Ottawa

Posted on December 17, 2025 by Chris McBean

As whispers from Washington grow louder about replacing the trilateral CUSMA with two separate bilateral trade agreements, one with the United States, one with Mexico, Canada finds itself at a pivotal moment. How Ottawa responds over the next eighteen months could determine not just near-term economic outcomes, but the resilience and global standing of the Canadian economy for decades to come.

The U.S. sees bilateral deals as a way to tighten rules of origin, enforce labour and environmental standards more aggressively, and gain leverage on regulatory issues. While these measures might appear to offer Canada the chance for a “customized” agreement, they also carry serious risks: fractured supply chains, diminished investment, and reduced bargaining power on the global stage. Canada cannot afford to approach this negotiation as a passive actor.

Policy Recommendations

1. Protect Integrated Supply Chains
Canada should insist on provisions that preserve existing supply-chain networks spanning Canada, the U.S., and Mexico. Standstill clauses and grandfathering mechanisms should ensure that Canadian investments in autos, aerospace, electronics, and agriculture are not penalized under stricter U.S. bilateral rules.

2. Negotiate Realistic Rules of Origin
Ottawa should push for rules that recognize Canada’s production capacities and global sourcing realities. Overly restrictive thresholds would damage competitiveness; instead, the agreement should balance protection of U.S. interests with Canada’s need to remain a hub of North American manufacturing.

3. Secure Trade Policy Autonomy
A bilateral agreement must not lock Canada into U.S.-imposed restrictions on third-party trade. Canada needs the freedom to deepen relationships with the EU, Asia-Pacific, and emerging markets. Ottawa should insist on explicit clauses preserving this sovereignty.

4. Embed Environmental and Labour Standards Strategically
Canada should leverage the negotiation to advance shared values on environmental protection and labour rights. By including enforceable, mutually beneficial standards, Canada can turn compliance obligations into a competitive advantage for Canadian businesses, particularly in clean energy, forestry, and high-value manufacturing.

5. Diversify Market Access
The U.S. will always be Canada’s largest trading partner, but Ottawa must use this moment to accelerate diversification. Strong bilateral terms with the U.S. should complement, not replace, agreements with other regions. This strategy will reduce vulnerability to U.S. policy swings and strengthen Canada’s global economic resilience.

6. Maximize Leverage on Strategic Resources
Canada possesses energy, critical minerals, and clean-tech assets of global significance. Ottawa should use the bilateral framework to secure access to U.S. markets without ceding control or undervaluing these resources, ensuring that Canada retains long-term strategic advantage.

7. Prepare for Transition and Communication
Any shift from CUSMA to bilateral arrangements will create uncertainty for businesses. Ottawa should implement a clear, phased transition plan and communicate proactively with domestic industries. Providing certainty and guidance can prevent disruption, maintain investment confidence, and reinforce Canada’s reputation as a stable, reliable partner.

8. Protect Agricultural Supply Management Sectors as Part of Food Security Strategy
Canada’s supply-managed sectors — dairy, poultry, and eggs — are vital not only to farmers’ livelihoods but to national food security. Any bilateral agreement must safeguard these systems against excessive U.S. pressure or forced liberalization. This will ensure that Canadians maintain stable domestic production, buffer against global market volatility, and preserve a cornerstone of rural economic resilience.

Conclusion
The U.S. drive toward bilateral deals presents both danger and opportunity. Canada must approach negotiations not as a defensive exercise in preservation, but as a chance to reshape its trade strategy for a new global environment. By insisting on supply-chain continuity, flexible rules of origin, strategic autonomy, market diversification, and protection for food security, Ottawa can turn potential disruption into a springboard for long-term economic strength.

Canada’s response will signal whether it remains a reactive participant in North American trade or assumes the role of confident, sovereign actor capable of shaping its own destiny. This is not a time to defer to Washington. It is a time to plan boldly, negotiate shrewdly, and safeguard Canada’s future.

Quebec’s Agrifood Strategy: A National Lesson in Food Security

Posted on December 7, 2025 by Chris McBean

Quebec has quietly become a national leader in agrifood planning and food security. At a time when global food systems are increasingly fragile, the province offers a clear and pragmatic model for how public policy, local investment, and social equity can combine to build a more resilient, sustainable food system. The rest of Canada would do well to take note.

Central to Quebec’s approach is its comprehensive provincial framework, Politique bioalimentaire 2018–2025: Alimenter notre monde. This policy articulates a long-term vision for food sovereignty and ecological stewardship. It promotes value-added processing, regional production, and stronger local supply chains. What sets Quebec apart is not simply the breadth of the strategy, but the coordination behind it. Provincial and federal funds are deployed in tandem, targeting greenhouse expansion, food transformation infrastructure, agri-environmental practices, and innovation. In 2023, Quebec committed $175 million toward increasing regional food self-sufficiency, a move that signaled a shift away from dependence on volatile global supply chains.

This funding strategy has been reinforced by the Canada–Quebec Sustainable Canadian Agricultural Partnership agreement, which committed $955 million over five years to support producers across the province. The agreement includes enhanced compensation under AgriStability, infrastructure renewal programs, and expanded support for environmental and climate-smart practices. With a 25 percent increase over the previous five-year framework, this is one of the most ambitious agrifood investments in the country.

Quebec’s focus on food processing has also paid dividends. In Saguenay–Lac-Saint-Jean, for example, Céréales Normandin received over $3.5 million in combined provincial and federal support to expand its grain-processing capacity. By transforming local cereals into flour, semolina, and plant-based protein concentrates, the facility strengthens Quebec’s ability to retain value within the province. It also reduces dependency on long-haul transportation and foreign inputs. This kind of investment represents a structural shift toward field-to-fork sovereignty.

But production and processing are only part of the story. Quebec integrates food security into its broader public health and education agenda. The province supports farm-to-school programs that connect children directly with local farms, using classroom engagement and institutional procurement to build food literacy and sustainable eating habits. Programs like AgrÉcoles and Farm to School Québec are designed not as symbolic gestures, but as long-term educational investments. They are complemented by robust health policy measures, including proposed front-of-package nutrition labels and consideration of a sugary drinks tax. While other provinces rely on voluntary industry commitments, Quebec has shown a willingness to legislate for public health.

Climate adaptation is another defining element. Quebec has made significant advances in controlled-environment agriculture, particularly hydro-powered greenhouses. These facilities now supply roughly half of the province’s fruits and vegetables year-round. This model aligns well with Quebec’s decarbonization goals and offers a buffer against supply chain disruptions caused by weather, wildfires, or border issues. The greenhouse sector also creates jobs in rural regions, adding social and economic depth to what might otherwise be seen as technical infrastructure.

Quebec’s broader social policy reinforces its food security efforts. The province maintains Canada’s most generous child benefits and has indexed income supports to inflation, resulting in lower levels of food insecurity compared to most other provinces. By recognizing that hunger is not just a supply issue but a matter of income and social policy, Quebec links its agrifood system to social resilience. This integrated approach provides not only food, but dignity and stability.

Cultural identity plays a role as well. Quebec has long embraced supply management in sectors like dairy and maple syrup, not as a form of protectionism, but as a tool for supporting regional producers and maintaining quality standards. This model may not translate directly across all of Canada, but it offers a reminder that local economies thrive when policy reflects place-based values.

Perhaps the most compelling lesson from Quebec is its refusal to silo food policy. Instead, it has created a system where agriculture, health, education, environment, and social equity intersect. The result is not just a stronger food system, but a stronger society. In an era of climate disruption, geopolitical instability, and growing inequality, Quebec is showing how to build something that is local, resilient, and future-ready.

Canada as a whole will face increasing pressure in the years ahead to secure its food systems. If policy-makers are serious about ensuring affordability, sustainability, and sovereignty, they would be wise to study what Quebec has already built.

Sources
• Government of Canada. “Canada and Quebec sign a new $955 million agreement over five years to support Quebec’s agricultural sector.” March 2023. https://www.canada.ca/en/agriculture-agri-food/news/2023/03/canada-and-quebec-sign-a-new-955-million-agreement-over-5-years-to-support-quebecs-agricultural-sector.html
• Government of Canada. “Over $3.5 million for Céréales Normandin to expand its product range.” March 2024. https://www.canada.ca/en/economic-development-quebec-regions/news/2024/03/increasing-quebecs-food-selfsufficiency-over-35m-for-cereales-normandin-to-expand-its-product-range.html
• Equiterre. “Farm to School Québec.” https://www.equiterre.org/en/articles/project-local-food-procurement-farm-to-school-quebec
• The 14. “Reinforcing policies to improve Quebec’s food supply.” https://the-14.com/reinforcing-policies-to-improve-quebecs-food-supply
• West Quebec Post. “Quebec to invest $175 million over five years to increase food self-sufficiency.” https://www.westquebecpost.com/quebec-to-invest-175-million-over-five-years-to-increase-food-self-sufficiency

Five Things We Learned This Week

Posted on December 6, 2025 by Chris McBean

Week of November 29 – December 5, 2025

✈️ 1. India’s IndiGo airline chaos causes airport gridlock

Stricter pilot-fatigue rules triggered a cascade of flight cancellations for IndiGo, India’s largest airline, leaving hundreds stranded across major cities and prompting authorities to cap airfares. The disruption entered a fifth day on Dec 5, affecting travel for thousands nationwide. Source.

Why it matters: The crisis exposed systemic fragility in high-volume air travel and shows how labor and regulatory shifts can ripple quickly through global supply and travel networks, with major economic and social consequences.

🛫 2. Airbus slashes delivery targets after A320-series defects — aviation under pressure

On Dec 5, Airbus revealed that recent cosmic-radiation–linked software glitches and metal panel defects grounded thousands of A320 aircraft and forced the company to drastically cut delivery targets for 2026. Source.

Why it matters: As the A320 is one of the world’s most widely used commercial jets, any large-scale fleet issue creates global consequences for airlines, passengers and supply chains.

🏆 3. 2026 FIFA World Cup draw sets stage — hosts and underdogs get historic matchups

The 2026 World Cup draw, finalized Dec 5, places host nations and underdog teams in matchups that analysts say could disrupt traditional football expectations. Media outlets are calling it a “dream bracket” for the joint hosts Mexico, the United States and Canada. Source.

Why it matters: The draw influences everything from training and tactics to ticket sales and tourism. Major sporting events continue to shape global culture, economics and diplomatic soft power.

🌐 4. IMF to begin high-stakes China economic review amid global uncertainty

The IMF announced its first Article IV review of the Chinese economy since mid-2024, with findings scheduled to be presented in Beijing on Dec 10. The review comes as China faces slowing exports and continued global trade strain. Source.

Why it matters: China remains a central pillar of global economic stability. A cautious or negative IMF assessment could influence markets, trade flows and political decision-making across multiple regions.

🔄 5. Atlantic tuna population review shows mixed recovery

A new multinational marine-biology assessment released this week reports mixed results for several Atlantic tuna populations. While some species show encouraging recovery, others continue a concerning decline linked to overfishing, illegal catch activity and warming waters. Source.

Why it matters: Tuna stocks shape global food security, marine health and economic stability in fishing-dependent countries. This year’s update could influence future quotas and conservation agreements.

The Fragile Independence of NGOs: Funding, Mission, and the Cost of Survival

Posted on December 5, 2025 by Chris McBean

After more than 25 years advising organizations across sectors, I’ve come to appreciate the vital role NGOs play in filling the gaps governments can’t, or won’t, address. From frontline social services to environmental stewardship to global health and education, their work is often visionary, community-led, and deeply human. But I’ve also seen behind the curtain. And one uncomfortable truth emerges time and again: far too many NGOs are built on a financial foundation so narrow that one funding shift, often from a single government department, can bring the entire structure down.

This doesn’t mean these organizations lack heart or competence. Quite the opposite, but when 60 to 80 percent of their time and energy is spent chasing the next tranche of funding just to pay rent or keep skeleton staff employed, something is clearly out of balance. I’ve worked with executive directors who are more skilled in crafting grant proposals than in delivering the programs they were trained to lead. I’ve seen staff burn out, not from the intensity of service delivery, but from the treadmill of fundraising cycles that reward persistence over purpose.

The tension is most pronounced when a single government agency becomes the main or only funder. In those cases, the NGO may retain its legal independence, but it quickly becomes functionally dependent, unable to challenge policy, adapt freely, or pivot when the community’s needs shift. I’ve often told boards in strategic planning sessions: “If your NGO would cease to exist tomorrow without that one government grant, then you don’t have a sustainable organization, you have an outsourced program.”

This is not a call for cynicism. It’s a call for structural realism. NGOs need funding. Governments have a legitimate role in supporting social initiatives. But the risk lies in overconcentration. With no diversified base of support, whether from individual donors, private philanthropy, earned income, or even modest membership models, NGOs are vulnerable not only to budget cuts, but to shifts in political ideology. A change in government should not spell the end of essential community services. And yet, it too often does.

What’s the solution? It starts with transparency and strategy. Boards must get serious about income diversity, even if that means reimagining their business model. Funders, including governments, should fund core operations, not just shiny new projects, and do so on multi-year terms to allow for proper planning. And NGO leaders need to communicate their value clearly, not just to funders, but to the communities they serve and the public at large. You can’t build resilience without buy-in.

Supporting NGOs doesn’t mean ignoring their structural weaknesses. In fact, the best way to support them is to help them confront those weaknesses head-on. Mission matters. But so does the means of sustaining it. And in today’s volatile funding landscape, the most mission-driven thing an NGO can do might just be to get smart about its money.

A Year in the Wilds of The Rowanwood Chronicles

Posted on November 30, 2025 by Chris McBean

A reflective essay by the fellow who somehow decided that blogging about politics, climate, gender, and quantum mechanics was a relaxing hobby

I did not set out to become a blogger. No one does. Blogging is something that happens to you when you’ve said “someone should really write about this” one too many times and then realize the someone is you. That was my first year of The Rowanwood Chronicles. A steady accumulation of small irritations, large curiosities, and the occasional planetary existential dread finally pressuring me into a keyboard.

Over the past twelve months I have written about food systems, seismic faults, mononormativity, AI governance, and the demise of centralized social media platforms. This is, I admit, not a tidy list. Most writers pick a lane. I picked several highways, a few dirt roads, and one unmarked trail that led straight into a thicket of gender theory. Some readers have thanked me. Others have quietly backed away like I had started talking about cryptocurrency at a family barbecue. Fair enough.

The funny thing about running a blog with the byline “Conversations That Might Just Matter” is that you end up feeling mildly responsible for the state of the world. Somewhere in the back of my mind I became convinced that if I took one week off, climate policy would collapse, privacy laws would be gutted by corporate lawyers, and Canada would discover a massive geological fault running directly under my house. It is exhausting being the only person preventing civilization from tipping off its axis, but I have bravely carried on.

Along the way, I learned a few things.

First, people really do want long-form writing. They want context. They want to know why their health system is groaning like a Victorian heroine on a staircase. They want someone to explain decentralized social media without sounding like a blockchain evangelist who drinks only powdered mushroom tea. They want nuance rendered in plain language. I can do that. Sometimes even coherently.

Second, writing about politics is like trying to pet a squirrel. You can do it, but you have to keep your hands calm, your movements measured, and be prepared for the possibility that something small and unpredictable will bite you. Every time I published a political piece, I felt like I was tiptoeing across a frozen lake holding a hot cup of tea. Most of the time it held. Some days it cracked.

Third, the world is endlessly, maddeningly fascinating. One moment I was researching drought-related crop instability in the Global South. The next, I was reading government reports about flood plain management. Then I found myself knee-deep in a rabbit hole about the Tintina Fault, which sits there in the Yukon like an unbothered geological time bomb politely waiting its turn. Writing the blog became my excuse to satisfy every curiosity I have ever had. It turns out I have many.

What surprised me most was what readers responded to. Not the posts where I worked terribly hard to sound authoritative. Not the deeply researched pieces where I combed through reports like a librarian possessed. No. What people loved most were the pieces where I sounded like myself. Slightly bemused. Occasionally outraged. Often caffeinated. Always trying to understand the world without pretending to have mastered it.

That was the gift of the year. The realization that a blog does not need to be grand to be meaningful. It simply needs to be honest. Steady. And maybe a little mischievous.

I will admit that I sometimes wondered whether writing about governance, equity, and science from my small corner of Canada made any difference at all. But each time someone wrote to say a post clarified something for them, or started a discussion in their household, or helped them feel less alone in their confusion about the world, I remembered why I started.

I began The Rowanwood Chronicles because I wanted to understand things. I kept writing because I realized other people wanted to understand them too.

So here I am, a year older, slightly better informed, and armed with a list of future topics that spans everything from biodiversity corridors to the psychology of certainty. The world is complicated. My curiosity is incurable. And The Rowanwood Chronicles is still the place where I try to make sense of it all.

If nothing else, this year taught me that even in a noisy world full of predictions and outrage, there is room for thoughtful conversation. There is room for humour. There is room for stubborn optimism. And there is definitely room for one more cup of tea before I press publish.

Britain’s Return to Europe: A Vision Rooted in Purpose, Not Nostalgia

Posted on November 26, 2025 by Chris McBean

Across the United Kingdom, a quiet reckoning is underway. Eight years after the Brexit referendum, the promise of a bold new chapter outside the European Union lies in tatters. Instead of renewed sovereignty and global resurgence, the country finds itself diminished: economically weaker, diplomatically isolated, and socially fragmented. For many, it is no longer a question of whether we should rejoin the EU, but how, and when.

Yet to speak of rejoining is to confront difficult truths. The journey back will not be quick. It will demand political leadership, public engagement, and diplomatic humility. But for a nation with Britain’s history, talents, and spirit, the path, though long, is both viable and vital. What lies at the end of that path is not simply a restoration of past privileges, but a reclaiming of our rightful place among Europe’s community of nations.

The first step must be political courage. While public opinion is shifting, particularly among younger generations and those long unconvinced by the false dawn of Brexit, the political establishment remains hesitant. The shadow of the 2016 referendum still looms large. Yet true leadership does not bow to ghosts; it charts a course forward. A future government must be willing to speak frankly to the British people: about the costs of Brexit, about the realities of international cooperation, and about the immense benefits of restoring our partnership with Europe.

Equally crucial is the task of restoring trust, both at home and abroad. The manner in which the UK left the EU, marked by bluster and broken commitments, left scars in Brussels and beyond. If Britain is to re-enter the fold, it must do so not as a reluctant exception-seeker, but as a committed and respectful partner. There can be no return to the days of opt-outs and special deals. We must approach accession not with entitlement, but with earnest intent, ready to meet the responsibilities of membership and contribute fully to the shared European project.

Legally and procedurally, rejoining would require a formal application under Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union. This would involve, in principle, a willingness to engage with all facets of membership, including the euro and Schengen, even if transitional arrangements are negotiated. There can be no illusions of a “lite” version of membership. The EU today is not the same bloc we left, it is more integrated, more self-assured. Britain must return on terms of mutual respect, not exception.

But if the process is demanding, the rewards are profound. Economically, the toll of Brexit is undeniable. The Office for Budget Responsibility estimates a 4% permanent reduction in GDP, an astonishing figure that translates into stagnating wages, struggling businesses, and faltering public services. Rejoining the Single Market would ease the friction that now stifles trade; full membership would restore investor confidence, supply chain resilience, and long-term economic momentum.

The argument is not merely about pounds and pence. On the world stage, Britain has not become more powerful post-Brexit, it has become peripheral. While we remain a respected military ally through NATO, our absence from the EU’s decision-making tables has cost us influence on climate policy, digital regulation, and global standards. In an era defined by democratic backsliding and geopolitical rivalry, our values: openness, rule of law, multilateralism, are best defended as part of a European alliance, not apart from it.

There is also a human dimension to this story, one often lost in policy debates. Brexit severed the everyday connections that bound us to our neighbours: the right to study in Paris, to work in Berlin, to fall in love in Lisbon without visas or barriers. Young Britons have had opportunities stripped from them. Scientists and artists find collaboration curtailed. Rejoining is not just an economic necessity, it is a moral obligation to restore the freedoms our citizens once took for granted.

And we cannot overlook the unity of the United Kingdom itself. Brexit has aggravated constitutional fault lines. Scotland and Northern Ireland voted to remain. The subsequent fallout, particularly around the Northern Ireland Protocol, has exposed the fragility of our Union. A return to the EU would not solve every issue, but it would provide a stable framework in which our nations might rediscover common cause, rather than drift further apart.

This journey will take time. It may begin with small, confident steps: rejoining Erasmus, aligning regulatory frameworks, re-entering common programmes. But these must be steps along a clearly signposted road, not gestures to nowhere. The destination, full EU membership, must be embraced not as a retreat to the past, but as a leap toward the future.

Britain belongs in Europe. Not just because of shared geography, but because of shared values: democracy, dignity, justice, and peace. We left on the back of a broken promise. We can return with purpose. And when we do, it will not be as the Britain that left, but as a Britain renewed, ready to lead once more, not from the sidelines, but from the heart of Europe.

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