Canada and the CUSMA Crossroads: Policy Recommendations for Ottawa

Posted on December 17, 2025 by Chris McBean

As whispers from Washington grow louder about replacing the trilateral CUSMA with two separate bilateral trade agreements, one with the United States, one with Mexico, Canada finds itself at a pivotal moment. How Ottawa responds over the next eighteen months could determine not just near-term economic outcomes, but the resilience and global standing of the Canadian economy for decades to come.

The U.S. sees bilateral deals as a way to tighten rules of origin, enforce labour and environmental standards more aggressively, and gain leverage on regulatory issues. While these measures might appear to offer Canada the chance for a “customized” agreement, they also carry serious risks: fractured supply chains, diminished investment, and reduced bargaining power on the global stage. Canada cannot afford to approach this negotiation as a passive actor.

Policy Recommendations

1. Protect Integrated Supply Chains
Canada should insist on provisions that preserve existing supply-chain networks spanning Canada, the U.S., and Mexico. Standstill clauses and grandfathering mechanisms should ensure that Canadian investments in autos, aerospace, electronics, and agriculture are not penalized under stricter U.S. bilateral rules.

2. Negotiate Realistic Rules of Origin
Ottawa should push for rules that recognize Canada’s production capacities and global sourcing realities. Overly restrictive thresholds would damage competitiveness; instead, the agreement should balance protection of U.S. interests with Canada’s need to remain a hub of North American manufacturing.

3. Secure Trade Policy Autonomy
A bilateral agreement must not lock Canada into U.S.-imposed restrictions on third-party trade. Canada needs the freedom to deepen relationships with the EU, Asia-Pacific, and emerging markets. Ottawa should insist on explicit clauses preserving this sovereignty.

4. Embed Environmental and Labour Standards Strategically
Canada should leverage the negotiation to advance shared values on environmental protection and labour rights. By including enforceable, mutually beneficial standards, Canada can turn compliance obligations into a competitive advantage for Canadian businesses, particularly in clean energy, forestry, and high-value manufacturing.

5. Diversify Market Access
The U.S. will always be Canada’s largest trading partner, but Ottawa must use this moment to accelerate diversification. Strong bilateral terms with the U.S. should complement, not replace, agreements with other regions. This strategy will reduce vulnerability to U.S. policy swings and strengthen Canada’s global economic resilience.

6. Maximize Leverage on Strategic Resources
Canada possesses energy, critical minerals, and clean-tech assets of global significance. Ottawa should use the bilateral framework to secure access to U.S. markets without ceding control or undervaluing these resources, ensuring that Canada retains long-term strategic advantage.

7. Prepare for Transition and Communication
Any shift from CUSMA to bilateral arrangements will create uncertainty for businesses. Ottawa should implement a clear, phased transition plan and communicate proactively with domestic industries. Providing certainty and guidance can prevent disruption, maintain investment confidence, and reinforce Canada’s reputation as a stable, reliable partner.

8. Protect Agricultural Supply Management Sectors as Part of Food Security Strategy
Canada’s supply-managed sectors — dairy, poultry, and eggs — are vital not only to farmers’ livelihoods but to national food security. Any bilateral agreement must safeguard these systems against excessive U.S. pressure or forced liberalization. This will ensure that Canadians maintain stable domestic production, buffer against global market volatility, and preserve a cornerstone of rural economic resilience.

Conclusion
The U.S. drive toward bilateral deals presents both danger and opportunity. Canada must approach negotiations not as a defensive exercise in preservation, but as a chance to reshape its trade strategy for a new global environment. By insisting on supply-chain continuity, flexible rules of origin, strategic autonomy, market diversification, and protection for food security, Ottawa can turn potential disruption into a springboard for long-term economic strength.

Canada’s response will signal whether it remains a reactive participant in North American trade or assumes the role of confident, sovereign actor capable of shaping its own destiny. This is not a time to defer to Washington. It is a time to plan boldly, negotiate shrewdly, and safeguard Canada’s future.

Quebec’s Agrifood Strategy: A National Lesson in Food Security

Posted on December 7, 2025 by Chris McBean

Quebec has quietly become a national leader in agrifood planning and food security. At a time when global food systems are increasingly fragile, the province offers a clear and pragmatic model for how public policy, local investment, and social equity can combine to build a more resilient, sustainable food system. The rest of Canada would do well to take note.

Central to Quebec’s approach is its comprehensive provincial framework, Politique bioalimentaire 2018–2025: Alimenter notre monde. This policy articulates a long-term vision for food sovereignty and ecological stewardship. It promotes value-added processing, regional production, and stronger local supply chains. What sets Quebec apart is not simply the breadth of the strategy, but the coordination behind it. Provincial and federal funds are deployed in tandem, targeting greenhouse expansion, food transformation infrastructure, agri-environmental practices, and innovation. In 2023, Quebec committed $175 million toward increasing regional food self-sufficiency, a move that signaled a shift away from dependence on volatile global supply chains.

This funding strategy has been reinforced by the Canada–Quebec Sustainable Canadian Agricultural Partnership agreement, which committed $955 million over five years to support producers across the province. The agreement includes enhanced compensation under AgriStability, infrastructure renewal programs, and expanded support for environmental and climate-smart practices. With a 25 percent increase over the previous five-year framework, this is one of the most ambitious agrifood investments in the country.

Quebec’s focus on food processing has also paid dividends. In Saguenay–Lac-Saint-Jean, for example, Céréales Normandin received over $3.5 million in combined provincial and federal support to expand its grain-processing capacity. By transforming local cereals into flour, semolina, and plant-based protein concentrates, the facility strengthens Quebec’s ability to retain value within the province. It also reduces dependency on long-haul transportation and foreign inputs. This kind of investment represents a structural shift toward field-to-fork sovereignty.

But production and processing are only part of the story. Quebec integrates food security into its broader public health and education agenda. The province supports farm-to-school programs that connect children directly with local farms, using classroom engagement and institutional procurement to build food literacy and sustainable eating habits. Programs like AgrÉcoles and Farm to School Québec are designed not as symbolic gestures, but as long-term educational investments. They are complemented by robust health policy measures, including proposed front-of-package nutrition labels and consideration of a sugary drinks tax. While other provinces rely on voluntary industry commitments, Quebec has shown a willingness to legislate for public health.

Climate adaptation is another defining element. Quebec has made significant advances in controlled-environment agriculture, particularly hydro-powered greenhouses. These facilities now supply roughly half of the province’s fruits and vegetables year-round. This model aligns well with Quebec’s decarbonization goals and offers a buffer against supply chain disruptions caused by weather, wildfires, or border issues. The greenhouse sector also creates jobs in rural regions, adding social and economic depth to what might otherwise be seen as technical infrastructure.

Quebec’s broader social policy reinforces its food security efforts. The province maintains Canada’s most generous child benefits and has indexed income supports to inflation, resulting in lower levels of food insecurity compared to most other provinces. By recognizing that hunger is not just a supply issue but a matter of income and social policy, Quebec links its agrifood system to social resilience. This integrated approach provides not only food, but dignity and stability.

Cultural identity plays a role as well. Quebec has long embraced supply management in sectors like dairy and maple syrup, not as a form of protectionism, but as a tool for supporting regional producers and maintaining quality standards. This model may not translate directly across all of Canada, but it offers a reminder that local economies thrive when policy reflects place-based values.

Perhaps the most compelling lesson from Quebec is its refusal to silo food policy. Instead, it has created a system where agriculture, health, education, environment, and social equity intersect. The result is not just a stronger food system, but a stronger society. In an era of climate disruption, geopolitical instability, and growing inequality, Quebec is showing how to build something that is local, resilient, and future-ready.

Canada as a whole will face increasing pressure in the years ahead to secure its food systems. If policy-makers are serious about ensuring affordability, sustainability, and sovereignty, they would be wise to study what Quebec has already built.

Sources
• Government of Canada. “Canada and Quebec sign a new $955 million agreement over five years to support Quebec’s agricultural sector.” March 2023. https://www.canada.ca/en/agriculture-agri-food/news/2023/03/canada-and-quebec-sign-a-new-955-million-agreement-over-5-years-to-support-quebecs-agricultural-sector.html
• Government of Canada. “Over $3.5 million for Céréales Normandin to expand its product range.” March 2024. https://www.canada.ca/en/economic-development-quebec-regions/news/2024/03/increasing-quebecs-food-selfsufficiency-over-35m-for-cereales-normandin-to-expand-its-product-range.html
• Equiterre. “Farm to School Québec.” https://www.equiterre.org/en/articles/project-local-food-procurement-farm-to-school-quebec
• The 14. “Reinforcing policies to improve Quebec’s food supply.” https://the-14.com/reinforcing-policies-to-improve-quebecs-food-supply
• West Quebec Post. “Quebec to invest $175 million over five years to increase food self-sufficiency.” https://www.westquebecpost.com/quebec-to-invest-175-million-over-five-years-to-increase-food-self-sufficiency

Five Things We Learned This Week

Posted on December 6, 2025 by Chris McBean

Week of November 29 – December 5, 2025

✈️ 1. India’s IndiGo airline chaos causes airport gridlock

Stricter pilot-fatigue rules triggered a cascade of flight cancellations for IndiGo, India’s largest airline, leaving hundreds stranded across major cities and prompting authorities to cap airfares. The disruption entered a fifth day on Dec 5, affecting travel for thousands nationwide. Source.

Why it matters: The crisis exposed systemic fragility in high-volume air travel and shows how labor and regulatory shifts can ripple quickly through global supply and travel networks, with major economic and social consequences.

🛫 2. Airbus slashes delivery targets after A320-series defects — aviation under pressure

On Dec 5, Airbus revealed that recent cosmic-radiation–linked software glitches and metal panel defects grounded thousands of A320 aircraft and forced the company to drastically cut delivery targets for 2026. Source.

Why it matters: As the A320 is one of the world’s most widely used commercial jets, any large-scale fleet issue creates global consequences for airlines, passengers and supply chains.

🏆 3. 2026 FIFA World Cup draw sets stage — hosts and underdogs get historic matchups

The 2026 World Cup draw, finalized Dec 5, places host nations and underdog teams in matchups that analysts say could disrupt traditional football expectations. Media outlets are calling it a “dream bracket” for the joint hosts Mexico, the United States and Canada. Source.

Why it matters: The draw influences everything from training and tactics to ticket sales and tourism. Major sporting events continue to shape global culture, economics and diplomatic soft power.

🌐 4. IMF to begin high-stakes China economic review amid global uncertainty

The IMF announced its first Article IV review of the Chinese economy since mid-2024, with findings scheduled to be presented in Beijing on Dec 10. The review comes as China faces slowing exports and continued global trade strain. Source.

Why it matters: China remains a central pillar of global economic stability. A cautious or negative IMF assessment could influence markets, trade flows and political decision-making across multiple regions.

🔄 5. Atlantic tuna population review shows mixed recovery

A new multinational marine-biology assessment released this week reports mixed results for several Atlantic tuna populations. While some species show encouraging recovery, others continue a concerning decline linked to overfishing, illegal catch activity and warming waters. Source.

Why it matters: Tuna stocks shape global food security, marine health and economic stability in fishing-dependent countries. This year’s update could influence future quotas and conservation agreements.

The Fragile Independence of NGOs: Funding, Mission, and the Cost of Survival

Posted on December 5, 2025 by Chris McBean

After more than 25 years advising organizations across sectors, I’ve come to appreciate the vital role NGOs play in filling the gaps governments can’t, or won’t, address. From frontline social services to environmental stewardship to global health and education, their work is often visionary, community-led, and deeply human. But I’ve also seen behind the curtain. And one uncomfortable truth emerges time and again: far too many NGOs are built on a financial foundation so narrow that one funding shift, often from a single government department, can bring the entire structure down.

This doesn’t mean these organizations lack heart or competence. Quite the opposite, but when 60 to 80 percent of their time and energy is spent chasing the next tranche of funding just to pay rent or keep skeleton staff employed, something is clearly out of balance. I’ve worked with executive directors who are more skilled in crafting grant proposals than in delivering the programs they were trained to lead. I’ve seen staff burn out, not from the intensity of service delivery, but from the treadmill of fundraising cycles that reward persistence over purpose.

The tension is most pronounced when a single government agency becomes the main or only funder. In those cases, the NGO may retain its legal independence, but it quickly becomes functionally dependent, unable to challenge policy, adapt freely, or pivot when the community’s needs shift. I’ve often told boards in strategic planning sessions: “If your NGO would cease to exist tomorrow without that one government grant, then you don’t have a sustainable organization, you have an outsourced program.”

This is not a call for cynicism. It’s a call for structural realism. NGOs need funding. Governments have a legitimate role in supporting social initiatives. But the risk lies in overconcentration. With no diversified base of support, whether from individual donors, private philanthropy, earned income, or even modest membership models, NGOs are vulnerable not only to budget cuts, but to shifts in political ideology. A change in government should not spell the end of essential community services. And yet, it too often does.

What’s the solution? It starts with transparency and strategy. Boards must get serious about income diversity, even if that means reimagining their business model. Funders, including governments, should fund core operations, not just shiny new projects, and do so on multi-year terms to allow for proper planning. And NGO leaders need to communicate their value clearly, not just to funders, but to the communities they serve and the public at large. You can’t build resilience without buy-in.

Supporting NGOs doesn’t mean ignoring their structural weaknesses. In fact, the best way to support them is to help them confront those weaknesses head-on. Mission matters. But so does the means of sustaining it. And in today’s volatile funding landscape, the most mission-driven thing an NGO can do might just be to get smart about its money.

A Year in the Wilds of The Rowanwood Chronicles

Posted on November 30, 2025 by ravenactual

A reflective essay by the fellow who somehow decided that blogging about politics, climate, gender, and quantum mechanics was a relaxing hobby

I did not set out to become a blogger. No one does. Blogging is something that happens to you when you’ve said “someone should really write about this” one too many times and then realize the someone is you. That was my first year of The Rowanwood Chronicles. A steady accumulation of small irritations, large curiosities, and the occasional planetary existential dread finally pressuring me into a keyboard.

Over the past twelve months I have written about food systems, seismic faults, mononormativity, AI governance, and the demise of centralized social media platforms. This is, I admit, not a tidy list. Most writers pick a lane. I picked several highways, a few dirt roads, and one unmarked trail that led straight into a thicket of gender theory. Some readers have thanked me. Others have quietly backed away like I had started talking about cryptocurrency at a family barbecue. Fair enough.

The funny thing about running a blog with the byline “Conversations That Might Just Matter” is that you end up feeling mildly responsible for the state of the world. Somewhere in the back of my mind I became convinced that if I took one week off, climate policy would collapse, privacy laws would be gutted by corporate lawyers, and Canada would discover a massive geological fault running directly under my house. It is exhausting being the only person preventing civilization from tipping off its axis, but I have bravely carried on.

Along the way, I learned a few things.

First, people really do want long-form writing. They want context. They want to know why their health system is groaning like a Victorian heroine on a staircase. They want someone to explain decentralized social media without sounding like a blockchain evangelist who drinks only powdered mushroom tea. They want nuance rendered in plain language. I can do that. Sometimes even coherently.

Second, writing about politics is like trying to pet a squirrel. You can do it, but you have to keep your hands calm, your movements measured, and be prepared for the possibility that something small and unpredictable will bite you. Every time I published a political piece, I felt like I was tiptoeing across a frozen lake holding a hot cup of tea. Most of the time it held. Some days it cracked.

Third, the world is endlessly, maddeningly fascinating. One moment I was researching drought-related crop instability in the Global South. The next, I was reading government reports about flood plain management. Then I found myself knee-deep in a rabbit hole about the Tintina Fault, which sits there in the Yukon like an unbothered geological time bomb politely waiting its turn. Writing the blog became my excuse to satisfy every curiosity I have ever had. It turns out I have many.

What surprised me most was what readers responded to. Not the posts where I worked terribly hard to sound authoritative. Not the deeply researched pieces where I combed through reports like a librarian possessed. No. What people loved most were the pieces where I sounded like myself. Slightly bemused. Occasionally outraged. Often caffeinated. Always trying to understand the world without pretending to have mastered it.

That was the gift of the year. The realization that a blog does not need to be grand to be meaningful. It simply needs to be honest. Steady. And maybe a little mischievous.

I will admit that I sometimes wondered whether writing about governance, equity, and science from my small corner of Canada made any difference at all. But each time someone wrote to say a post clarified something for them, or started a discussion in their household, or helped them feel less alone in their confusion about the world, I remembered why I started.

I began The Rowanwood Chronicles because I wanted to understand things. I kept writing because I realized other people wanted to understand them too.

So here I am, a year older, slightly better informed, and armed with a list of future topics that spans everything from biodiversity corridors to the psychology of certainty. The world is complicated. My curiosity is incurable. And The Rowanwood Chronicles is still the place where I try to make sense of it all.

If nothing else, this year taught me that even in a noisy world full of predictions and outrage, there is room for thoughtful conversation. There is room for humour. There is room for stubborn optimism. And there is definitely room for one more cup of tea before I press publish.

Britain’s Return to Europe: A Vision Rooted in Purpose, Not Nostalgia

Posted on November 26, 2025 by Chris McBean

Across the United Kingdom, a quiet reckoning is underway. Eight years after the Brexit referendum, the promise of a bold new chapter outside the European Union lies in tatters. Instead of renewed sovereignty and global resurgence, the country finds itself diminished: economically weaker, diplomatically isolated, and socially fragmented. For many, it is no longer a question of whether we should rejoin the EU, but how, and when.

Yet to speak of rejoining is to confront difficult truths. The journey back will not be quick. It will demand political leadership, public engagement, and diplomatic humility. But for a nation with Britain’s history, talents, and spirit, the path, though long, is both viable and vital. What lies at the end of that path is not simply a restoration of past privileges, but a reclaiming of our rightful place among Europe’s community of nations.

The first step must be political courage. While public opinion is shifting, particularly among younger generations and those long unconvinced by the false dawn of Brexit, the political establishment remains hesitant. The shadow of the 2016 referendum still looms large. Yet true leadership does not bow to ghosts; it charts a course forward. A future government must be willing to speak frankly to the British people: about the costs of Brexit, about the realities of international cooperation, and about the immense benefits of restoring our partnership with Europe.

Equally crucial is the task of restoring trust, both at home and abroad. The manner in which the UK left the EU, marked by bluster and broken commitments, left scars in Brussels and beyond. If Britain is to re-enter the fold, it must do so not as a reluctant exception-seeker, but as a committed and respectful partner. There can be no return to the days of opt-outs and special deals. We must approach accession not with entitlement, but with earnest intent, ready to meet the responsibilities of membership and contribute fully to the shared European project.

Legally and procedurally, rejoining would require a formal application under Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union. This would involve, in principle, a willingness to engage with all facets of membership, including the euro and Schengen, even if transitional arrangements are negotiated. There can be no illusions of a “lite” version of membership. The EU today is not the same bloc we left, it is more integrated, more self-assured. Britain must return on terms of mutual respect, not exception.

But if the process is demanding, the rewards are profound. Economically, the toll of Brexit is undeniable. The Office for Budget Responsibility estimates a 4% permanent reduction in GDP, an astonishing figure that translates into stagnating wages, struggling businesses, and faltering public services. Rejoining the Single Market would ease the friction that now stifles trade; full membership would restore investor confidence, supply chain resilience, and long-term economic momentum.

The argument is not merely about pounds and pence. On the world stage, Britain has not become more powerful post-Brexit, it has become peripheral. While we remain a respected military ally through NATO, our absence from the EU’s decision-making tables has cost us influence on climate policy, digital regulation, and global standards. In an era defined by democratic backsliding and geopolitical rivalry, our values: openness, rule of law, multilateralism, are best defended as part of a European alliance, not apart from it.

There is also a human dimension to this story, one often lost in policy debates. Brexit severed the everyday connections that bound us to our neighbours: the right to study in Paris, to work in Berlin, to fall in love in Lisbon without visas or barriers. Young Britons have had opportunities stripped from them. Scientists and artists find collaboration curtailed. Rejoining is not just an economic necessity, it is a moral obligation to restore the freedoms our citizens once took for granted.

And we cannot overlook the unity of the United Kingdom itself. Brexit has aggravated constitutional fault lines. Scotland and Northern Ireland voted to remain. The subsequent fallout, particularly around the Northern Ireland Protocol, has exposed the fragility of our Union. A return to the EU would not solve every issue, but it would provide a stable framework in which our nations might rediscover common cause, rather than drift further apart.

This journey will take time. It may begin with small, confident steps: rejoining Erasmus, aligning regulatory frameworks, re-entering common programmes. But these must be steps along a clearly signposted road, not gestures to nowhere. The destination, full EU membership, must be embraced not as a retreat to the past, but as a leap toward the future.

Britain belongs in Europe. Not just because of shared geography, but because of shared values: democracy, dignity, justice, and peace. We left on the back of a broken promise. We can return with purpose. And when we do, it will not be as the Britain that left, but as a Britain renewed, ready to lead once more, not from the sidelines, but from the heart of Europe.

Reshaping Watershed Governance: Evaluating Ontario’s Plan to Merge Conservation Authorities

Posted on November 19, 2025 by Chris McBean

Background updated to reflect the government announcement of October 31, 2025.

🔎 Background

On October 31, 2025 the Ministry of the Environment, Conservation and Parks announced its intention to introduce legislation to create a new Ontario Provincial Conservation Agency to provide province-wide leadership and oversight of conservation authorities. At the same time the government released a public consultation proposing to consolidate Ontario’s 36 conservation authorities into seven regional, watershed-based authorities.

The stated aims are reducing fragmentation, improving consistency in permitting and services, freeing up resources for front-line conservation work and aligning watershed management with provincial priorities in housing, infrastructure, economic growth and climate resilience.

Note — The proposal retains watershed-based boundaries and envisions seven regional conservation authorities aligned with major watershed systems. Implementation would follow further legislation, regulation and a formal transition period.

✅ Advantages (Pros)

⚖️Consistency and Standardization

The current 36-authority system shows significant variation in policies, fees, processes and technical capacity. Consolidation seeks to standardize permitting and reduce duplication.
A more consistent system may speed approvals, improve service delivery and align permitting with broader provincial housing and infrastructure goals.

🛠️Scale and Capacity Building

Larger regional authorities can pool technical specialists in hydrology, ecology, GIS, modelling and flood forecasting.
A single digital permitting platform, improved data management and updated floodplain mapping could strengthen operational efficiency.

🧭Watershed-Scale Management

Environmental issues such as flood risk and source protection cross municipal boundaries; watershed-level jurisdictions better reflect ecological realities.
Regional governance may improve coordination between upstream and downstream communities and enable restoration at appropriate scales.

📈Uplift in Minimum Service Standards

Province-wide minimum standards could reduce disparities between well-resourced and under-resourced conservation authorities.
Improved mapping, monitoring and data systems may enhance hazard warnings and risk reduction for communities.

⚠️ Disadvantages (Cons)

🌾Loss of Local Knowledge and Relationships

Local conservation authorities often maintain deep, place-based knowledge and long-standing relationships with municipalities, landowners, volunteers and Indigenous communities.
Centralization may weaken local responsiveness and reduce the fine-grained understanding needed for small watershed issues.

👥Governance and Accountability Dilution

Shifting authority to regional boards or a provincial agency risks reducing municipal voice and local accountability.
Changes to levy systems, board appointments or decision-making structures could alter how closely governance reflects community priorities.

🔄Transition Risk, Disruption and Cost

Merging organizations requires complicated alignment of IT systems, budgets, staffing, policies and permitting processes.
Short-term disruption, backlog growth or staff uncertainty may affect performance even if long-term efficiencies are possible.

🏞️Threat to Locally-Tailored Programs

Education programs, stewardship initiatives, volunteer groups and recreation programming may be deprioritized in a larger regional authority.
Locally raised funds may be redistributed toward broader regional priorities, limiting community-specific flexibility.

🪶Indigenous Consultation and Place-Based Considerations

The restructuring spans multiple Indigenous territories; a one-size-fits-all model risks overlooking local priorities and cultural site protection.
Strong Indigenous partnerships are increasingly recognized as essential to watershed management and must be protected during transition.

❓ Key Uncertainties and Implementation Risks

How governance structures will be designed, including board composition and municipal representation.
How locally-generated funding will be treated and whether it will remain local during and after transition.
How IT migration, mapping, staffing and permitting backlogs will be managed to maintain service continuity.
How performance standards will be enforced and how regional authorities will be monitored.
How Indigenous and local stakeholder engagement will be maintained throughout the transition process.

🛡️ Recommendations and Mitigation Measures

Maintain local field offices, technical staff and advisory committees to preserve place-specific knowledge.
Ensure meaningful municipal representation on regional boards, including mechanisms for smaller communities’ voices.
Protect locally-generated revenues for an initial transition period to safeguard community programs.
Publish a transition plan with clear timelines, role protections and service-level guarantees.
Establish Indigenous participation protocols and co-governance options where desired.
Create province-wide standards with room for regional adaptation based on watershed differences.

🧾 Conclusion

The proposed consolidation provides opportunities to modernize Ontario’s conservation authority system, build technical capacity, improve consistency and align watershed management with provincial priorities. At the same time, the risks are substantial: loss of local stewardship, weakened accountability, transitional disruption and potential erosion of long-standing municipal and Indigenous partnerships.

The outcome will depend on governance design, funding arrangements, transition planning and the strength of public and Indigenous engagement. With appropriate safeguards, the reforms could enhance watershed resilience and public service; without them, consolidation could undermine decades of community-led conservation work and trust.

References

“Proposed boundaries for the regional consolidation of Ontario’s conservation authorities” (ERO 025-1257), Environmental Registry of Ontario.
Ontario Government announcement on conservation authority restructuring, October 31, 2025.
McMillan LLP analysis of proposed consolidation.
Dentons LLP overview of amalgamation and the creation of the Ontario Provincial Conservation Agency.
Reporting and analysis from conservation organizations and independent media regarding risks to local stewardship and watershed management.

North America’s Strategic Choice: Integration or Irrelevance in a Multipolar World

Posted on November 15, 2025 by Chris McBean

As the global trade landscape shifts, alliances such as BRICS and infrastructure developments like the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) are redrawing the map of commerce. These projects are not just economic arrangements, they are strategic assertions of a multipolar world, where emerging economies are building financial systems and trade networks that bypass traditional Western-dominated institutions. In this changing environment, deeper integration across North America is no longer just desirable, it is essential. The United States, Canada, and Mexico share geography, economic interdependence, and complementary strengths. But instead of leaning into this partnership, the U.S. has at times acted in ways that undermine its closest allies, and in doing so, it is undercutting its own long-term strategic interests.

BRICS, now expanded to include nations like Egypt and the UAE, is working toward reducing reliance on the U.S. dollar and building alternative financial infrastructure. Simultaneously, the INSTC, a 7,200-kilometre multimodal corridor linking India, Iran, Russia, and Europe, offers a faster and cheaper trade route than the Suez Canal. These shifts are enabling new alignments between Asian, Eurasian, and Global South nations. In contrast, the U.S. risks being left behind unless it reinvests in its regional relationships. North America, bound by the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA), already possesses a solid legal and regulatory foundation. What is missing is the political will to push that foundation into a fully integrated economic zone.

Closer North American integration could strengthen supply chains, enhance competitiveness, and boost regional innovation. Mexico’s manufacturing power, Canada’s resource wealth and technological expertise, and the U.S.’s financial and consumer might together could create a resilient and globally influential economic bloc. However, protectionist impulses from Washington, such as tariffs on Canadian aluminum, trade disputes over softwood lumber, and threats against Mexican imports, erode trust. These actions push Canada and Mexico to expand trade elsewhere, increasing their engagement with China, the EU, and the Asia-Pacific. While diversification is strategically wise, a fragmented North America plays directly into the hands of BRICS and INSTC-aligned actors.

Still, for Canada and Mexico, investing further in North American integration remains the most strategically sound choice. Despite political turbulence, the U.S. offers unmatched access to capital, consumer markets, and legal protections. CUSMA provides a rules-based framework that supports long-term stability more effectively than newer or looser trade deals. And while deeper trade ties with China or Europe may offer short-term gains, they cannot replicate the geographic, cultural, and logistical synergies of the North American relationship. Rather than turning outward in frustration, Canada and Mexico can use their economic leverage to influence U.S. trade policy from within, helping to shape a trilateral vision rooted in shared democratic values and mutual prosperity.

The U.S., for its part, must recognize that its global position depends not just on military strength or Silicon Valley innovation, but on the strength of its closest partnerships. The path forward lies not in undermining allies, but in building with them a regional powerhouse capable of competing with the rising multipolar world. Failing to do so means ceding both economic and geopolitical ground – to rivals who are already moving with speed and purpose.

Tewin and the Shape of Ottawa’s Future

Posted on November 3, 2025 by Chris McBean

At the moment, I don’t feel I know enough about this developing issue to take a position, so I plan on monitoring the situation and perhaps look at the bigger picture.

Four years ago, Ottawa city council voted to expand the urban boundary into lands southeast of the city to create a massive new suburban community called Tewin. The project, a partnership between the Algonquins of Ontario (AOO) and Taggart Group, envisions housing for up to 45,000 people on 445 hectares of land. This expansion was one of the most controversial planning decisions of the last decade, both for its symbolic weight and its long-term implications. Today, councillor Theresa Kavanagh has re-opened the debate, proposing that Tewin be stripped from Ottawa’s Official Plan. Her efforts highlight the difficult choices cities face between growth, climate goals, and Indigenous reconciliation.

The Promise of Tewin
Supporters of Tewin present it as a once-in-a-generation opportunity. For the Algonquins of Ontario, the project represents an unprecedented role in shaping Ottawa’s future. After centuries of dispossession, Tewin offers not only revenue streams and jobs but also visibility in the city’s urban fabric. This symbolic dimension, land not merely ceded or lost, but built upon in partnership, is difficult to dismiss.

Developers and some councillors also argue that Ottawa must accommodate population growth. With Canada’s immigration targets rising, pressure on housing supply is intense. Tewin promises tens of thousands of new homes, potentially designed with modern sustainability standards. Proponents emphasize that large master-planned communities can integrate parks, schools, and infrastructure in ways that piecemeal infill cannot. In this vision, Tewin is not sprawl, but a carefully designed city-within-a-city.

The Cost of Sprawl
Yet the critiques are no less powerful. City staff initially ranked the Tewin lands poorly during their 2020 evaluations, citing soil unsuitability, distance from infrastructure, and limited transit access. Servicing the site: extending water, sewers, and roads will cost nearly $600 million, much of it beyond the city’s 2046 planning horizon. These are funds that could otherwise reinforce existing communities, transit networks, and climate-resilient infrastructure.

Urban sprawl carries environmental and social costs. Tewin sits far from rail lines and job centres, ensuring that most residents will be dependent on cars. This contradicts Ottawa’s stated climate action commitments, which emphasize compact growth and reduced vehicle emissions. Critics also note that adding a massive suburb undermines efforts to intensify existing neighbourhoods, where transit and services are already in place.

Indigenous Voices, Indigenous Divisions
The Indigenous dimension of Tewin complicates the debate. On the one hand, the Algonquins of Ontario have secured a rare position as development partners, advancing reconciliation through economic participation. On the other hand, not all Algonquin communities recognize AOO’s legitimacy, and some argue that consultation has been narrow and exclusionary. The project thus embodies both progress and tension in the city’s relationship with Indigenous peoples. To reject Tewin outright risks appearing to dismiss Indigenous economic aspirations; to proceed with it risks deepening divisions and ignoring long-standing calls for more inclusive engagement.

A City at the Crossroads
Councillor Kavanagh’s push to remove Tewin from the Official Plan is more than a single motion. It reopens a philosophical question: what kind of city does Ottawa wish to become? If it seeks to embody climate leadership, resilient infrastructure, and walkable communities, Tewin appears to be a step backward. If it seeks to honour Indigenous partnership and ensure abundant housing supply, the project has undeniable appeal.

Ultimately, Tewin forces Ottawa to confront a contradiction at the heart of Canadian urbanism. We are a country that has promised climate action, but remains tethered to car-dependent suburbs. We are a nation that aspires to reconciliation, but often struggles to reconcile competing Indigenous voices. To move forward, Ottawa must do more than weigh costs and benefits; it must articulate a vision of growth that is both just and sustainable.

In this sense, Tewin is not merely a development proposal. It is a mirror held up to the city itself, reflecting both its aspirations and its unfinished work.

Sources:
• CTV News Ottawa. “Tewin development project passes latest hurdle but some say it still doesn’t belong.” August 2024. Link
• Ontario Construction News. “Ottawa councillor sparks renewed debate over controversial Tewin development.” April 2025. Link
• CTV News Ottawa. “Councillor withdraws motion to remove 15,000-home development from Ottawa’s Official Plan until after byelection.” April 2025. Link
• Horizon Ottawa. “Stop the Tewin Development.” Accessed October 2025. Link

Food Security Requires a Canadian Grocery Fairness Act to Break the Supermarket Cartel

Posted on October 22, 2025 by Chris McBean

Food prices in Canada are now so high that a growing share of households are skipping meals or relying on food banks, yet the country’s dominant grocery chains continue to post record profits. It’s an economic contradiction that Canadians are no longer willing to ignore. After years of voluntary codes, polite meetings with industry leaders, and vague promises of self-regulation, the time has come for Parliament to act. Canada needs a Grocery Fairness and Anti-Cartel Act to restore competition, transparency, and trust in the food supply.

The data are damning. Between 2019 and 2024, grocery prices rose by more than 25 percent, outpacing both wages and overall inflation. Meanwhile, profit margins at the country’s three dominant players, Loblaw, Sobeys’ parent company Empire, and Metro, reached their highest levels in decades. These three corporations control nearly 60 percent of the national grocery market and, in some provinces, more than 75 percent. Despite the removal of gas taxes and a slowdown in supply chain costs, prices have not come down. The explanation is simple: the grocery sector operates as a de facto cartel.

Canadians have seen evidence of this before. In 2018, a major bread price-fixing scandal revealed collusion among suppliers and retailers that spanned more than a decade. The Competition Bureau’s investigation led to fines and admissions of wrongdoing, but no lasting structural change. The same corporate families and alliances continue to dominate shelf space, dictate supplier terms, and shape consumer prices. Voluntary codes have done little to curb their power. When a handful of companies can quietly move in lockstep on pricing, even without explicit collusion, the outcome is the same: higher costs for everyone else.

A Grocery Fairness Act would not be radical. It would simply align Canada with the kind of market safeguards that already exist in other developed economies. The United Kingdom established a Groceries Code Adjudicator in 2013 to oversee fair dealing between supermarkets and suppliers. The European Union enforces strict competition rules that prevent excessive market dominance and punish “tacit collusion.” Canada, by contrast, still relies on a Competition Act designed for a different era, one that assumes the threat to markets comes from explicit conspiracies rather than structural concentration.

The model law proposed by several economists and policy experts would impose a national market-share limit of 15 percent per grocery chain, and 25 percent in any province. Companies that exceed those thresholds would be required to divest stores or brands until the market is more balanced. It would also make the existing Grocery Code of Conduct legally binding rather than voluntary, ensuring that farmers and small suppliers are protected from arbitrary fees, delisting threats, and other coercive practices.

Most importantly, the law would require large grocers to publish detailed pricing and profit data by category, showing whether retail increases are justified by rising costs. If a chain’s margins expand while input costs stay flat, the public deserves to know. Transparency alone would discourage the kind of quiet, parallel pricing behaviour that has become the norm.

Critics will call this “interference in the market,” but the truth is that Canada no longer has a functioning grocery market in the classical sense. When three firms dominate distribution, logistics, and supply contracts, the market’s self-correcting mechanisms are broken. Economists call it “oligopolistic coordination”; ordinary Canadians call it being gouged at the checkout.

Breaking up concentration would also open the door to regional cooperatives, independent grocers, and Indigenous food enterprises that have been squeezed out of distribution networks. Local ownership builds resilience, especially in rural and northern communities where dependence on a single chain often leads to higher costs and poorer food access.

There is also a broader principle at stake: when corporations profit from a basic human necessity, government has a duty to ensure that profit is earned through efficiency, not exploitation. If the banking sector can be regulated for systemic risk and telecommunications companies for fair access, surely food, the most essential of goods, deserves the same scrutiny.

Canada’s political establishment has been slow to move. The federal government has encouraged the large chains to sign a voluntary code, but participation remains partial and unenforced. Provinces have little power to act independently. The result is a cycle of press releases, hearings, and photo opportunities, while the price of a loaf of bread continues to climb.

A Grocery Fairness and Anti-Cartel Act would mark a decisive shift. It would give the Competition Bureau real structural tools rather than case-by-case investigations. It would make transparency mandatory and collusion punishable by substantial fines or even criminal liability for executives. Most importantly, it would restore the principle that essential markets exist to serve citizens, not to enrich monopolies.

Canada prides itself on fairness. Yet fairness in the grocery aisle has become an illusion. If Parliament wants to restore public confidence and make life affordable again, it should begin not with subsidies or rebates, but with the courage to challenge the corporate concentration that underlies the problem. The country needs a real grocery market, competitive, transparent, and accountable. Anything less is a betrayal of every Canadian who still believes that food should be priced by cost, not by cartel.

Sources:
Statistics Canada, Consumer Price Index data 2019–2024;
Competition Bureau of Canada, Bread Price-Fixing Investigation Report (2018);
Office for National Statistics (UK), Groceries Code Adjudicator Review 2023;
European Commission, Competition Regulation 1/2003.

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