The Budapest Memorandum of 1994: A Cautionary Tale in Security Assurances

The Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances, signed on 5 December 1994, stands as a pivotal moment in post-Cold War geopolitics. Emerging from the ashes of the Soviet Union, it marked a rare convergence of nuclear disarmament and multilateral diplomacy. Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan, each inheriting a share of the USSR’s vast nuclear arsenal, were persuaded to relinquish their strategic weapons in exchange for assurances from the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Russian Federation. The signing took place at an OSCE summit in the Hungarian capital, hence the document’s name.

At the heart of the memorandum was Ukraine’s possession of the third-largest nuclear arsenal in the world. Though the warheads were technically under Russian operational control, they remained physically on Ukrainian soil. The U.S. in particular led efforts to prevent the emergence of new nuclear states from the former Soviet republics, promoting the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) as the legal mechanism for disarmament. In return for joining the NPT as a non-nuclear weapon state, Ukraine was promised political assurances regarding its sovereignty, territorial integrity, and security.

The terms of the Budapest Memorandum were significant, though pointedly not binding under international law. The signatories pledged to respect the independence and existing borders of Ukraine, refrain from the threat or use of force, and avoid economic coercion. They also committed to seek UN Security Council action if nuclear weapons were ever used against Ukraine, and promised not to use nuclear weapons against the country themselves. The inclusion of a clause requiring consultations in the event of disputes or threats was intended to provide a diplomatic channel in times of crisis.

What is critical to understand is that the memorandum was not a formal treaty. It lacked enforcement mechanisms and legal penalties, relying instead on political goodwill and international norms. This distinction would prove fatal to its credibility two decades later.

The annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in early 2014, followed by its support for separatists in the Donbas region, represented a direct challenge to the core principles enshrined in the Budapest Memorandum. Ukraine’s territorial integrity was violated by a state that had explicitly committed to uphold it. While the United States and the United Kingdom issued strong condemnations and imposed sanctions on Russia, neither country provided direct military support to Ukraine, citing the memorandum’s non-binding nature.

Russia, for its part, has argued that the circumstances of 2014, namely, the change in Ukraine’s government following the Maidan Revolution, nullified the commitments under the agreement. It has also claimed that Crimea’s “referendum” justifies its actions. These positions are widely rejected by the international legal community and by the other signatories of the memorandum, but the damage to the credibility of security assurances was done.

The legacy of the Budapest Memorandum is now viewed with a mix of regret and realism. It illustrates the limits of non-binding agreements in deterring aggression by great powers, and it has become a central reference point in discussions on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. For Ukraine, the memorandum is a bitter reminder of the price paid for denuclearization without robust, enforceable guarantees. For the global community, it raises hard questions about the viability of relying on political promises in an increasingly unstable world.

The Budapest case has also had ramifications beyond Eastern Europe. It has been cited by countries such as North Korea and Iran in debates over nuclear policy, reinforcing the perception that possession of nuclear weapons may offer more reliable security than any assurance signed on paper. In the decades since, the gap between rhetoric and reality in international security agreements has only widened.

Sources
• United States Department of State Archive. Background Briefing on Ukraine, March 2014. https://2009-2017.state.gov
• United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs. Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weaponshttps://disarmament.un.org
• Council on Foreign Relations. Why Ukraine Gave Up Its Nuclear Weapons, 2022. https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/why-ukraine-gave-nuclear-weapons
• Chatham House. Ukraine, Russia and the West: The Budapest Memorandum at 30, 2023. https://www.chathamhouse.org

Five Things We Learned This Week

Here’s the fresh edition of “Five Things We Learned This Week” for July 12–18, 2025, featuring entirely new developments—no repeats, all within the past seven days:

🌊 1. Central Texas Flash Floods Devastate Communities

• Between July 4–7, unprecedented flash floods in Central Texas, including Camp Mystic, resulted in at least 129 deaths, with over 160 people still missing  .

• The disaster inflicted estimated economic losses of $18–22 billion, raising critical questions about climate-linked extreme weather and resilience amid weakened federal emergency infrastructure  .

🔥 2. Deadly European Heatwave Continues—Over 2,300 Deaths

• A severe heatwave that began in late May continued into mid-July, claiming approximately 2,300 lives—with Spain, the U.K., and Portugal most affected  .

• Record-breaking high temperatures (e.g., up to 46.6 °C in Portugal on June 29) prompted heat-health alerts, hosepipe bans, and drought declarations across parts of the U.K.  .

⚖️ 3. Thailand’s Prime Minister Suspended Amid Political Turmoil

• On July 1, Thailand’s Constitutional Court suspended PM Paetongtarn Shinawatra over an alleged leaked call—further destabilizing the already fragile 8-minister coalition  .

• This development deepens the ongoing political crisis and could trigger early elections or realignment in Thai governance   .

🇸🇾 4. Israeli Airstrikes Hit Key Syrian Military Sites

• On July 16, Israeli jets conducted strikes on the Syrian Presidential Palace and General Staff headquarters in Damascus  .

• The attack marks a significant escalation in Israel’s regional military operations and further strains tensions amid Syria’s protracted conflict  .

🏊‍♂️ 5. Singapore Hosts World Aquatics Championships

• From July 10–13, Singapore successfully hosted the 2025 World Aquatics Championships, attracting global athletes and fans to the city-state  .

• The event showcased elite competition in swimming, diving, water polo, and synchronized swimming, reinforcing Singapore’s capacity to host world-class sporting events  .

Each of these highlights occurred between July 12–18, 2025, and provides truly fresh insight across climate disasters, health crises, political shifts, military action, and international sport. Would you like full links or deeper analysis on any of these?

Francesca Albanese and the Anatomy of a War

Francesca Albanese, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, has become one of the most influential, and controversial, voices in global human rights discourse. An Italian international lawyer appointed in 2022, Albanese has positioned herself at the forefront of international legal scrutiny over Israel’s conduct in Gaza. Her reports, grounded in humanitarian and international law, have consistently challenged the mainstream narratives upheld by Western governments. As the Gaza war grinds through its second year, Albanese has emerged not merely as a monitor, but as a forceful advocate for accountability, naming states, corporations, and institutions she believes are complicit in what she bluntly calls a genocidal campaign.

Her March 2024 report to the UN Human Rights Council marked a turning point. Titled “Anatomy of a Genocide,” the report concluded there were reasonable grounds to believe that Israel had committed acts constituting genocide against the Palestinian people in Gaza. She outlined three of the five legally defined genocidal acts under the 1948 Genocide Convention: the killing of group members, the infliction of serious bodily or mental harm, and the deliberate imposition of conditions calculated to bring about physical destruction. At the time of her report, more than 32,000 Palestinians had been killed, including over 13,000 children. Thousands more were presumed dead under rubble. The report accused Israel not only of disproportionate military action, but of implementing a systematic campaign to make Gaza uninhabitable.

The reaction was explosive. Israeli officials condemned the report as biased and dangerous. U.S. officials accused her of ignoring the Hamas attacks of October 7, 2023, which triggered Israel’s full-scale assault on Gaza, but Albanese had not ignored them. She acknowledged the attacks and the killing of Israeli civilians, calling for accountability for all war crimes. Her argument, however, centered on the scope and scale of Israel’s response, one she argued had moved far beyond self-defense into collective punishment and mass destruction. She called for arms embargoes, sanctions, and referrals to the International Criminal Court.

In July 2025, Albanese issued another report that further intensified international debate. This time, she focused on the role of private industry in sustaining the Gaza war. The 27-page document named over sixty multinational corporations allegedly involved in arming or profiting from the Israeli military campaign. Among them were Lockheed Martin, Elbit Systems, Caterpillar, Palantir, Microsoft, and Alphabet. Albanese argued that the war was not just politically and ideologically driven, but economically sustained a “lucrative genocidal campaign” in her words. She asserted that private military and surveillance industries were supplying the tools of destruction in Gaza, enabling and profiting from the ongoing devastation of Palestinian civilian life.

The U.S. government, under President Donald Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, responded swiftly. In early July 2025, Albanese became the target of sanctions under the Global Magnitsky Act. Her U.S. assets were frozen, her entry into the United States banned, and she was publicly accused of antisemitism and abuse of her UN mandate. The sanctions were unprecedented. Never before had a UN Special Rapporteur been personally sanctioned by a Security Council member state. Rubio framed the action as a necessary response to what he called her “campaign of political warfare against Israel.”

International condemnation followed. UN officials, the European Union, and rights organizations including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch decried the move as a direct assault on the independence of UN experts. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights reminded member states that Rapporteurs operate under strict mandates and do not represent the UN’s institutional voice, but contribute independent expertise essential to global governance. Amnesty International called the sanctions “a disgrace to international justice,” warning they would have a chilling effect on future investigations of powerful states. Albanese herself called the measures “obscene,” arguing they were designed to silence her work and shield Israel and its allies from legal scrutiny.

At the core of Albanese’s work is a consistent demand for equal application of international law. She insists that rights and protections cannot be selectively applied based on alliances or geopolitical convenience. In doing so, she has tapped into a growing current of frustration, particularly in the Global South, where the credibility of Western-led institutions is seen as deeply compromised. Her reports have become essential reading for legal scholars, policymakers, and activists seeking to understand not only the Gaza conflict, but also the broader erosion of global legal norms.

Francesca Albanese is not neutral, nor does she pretend to be. Her work takes a moral stance, grounded in legal analysis and human rights doctrine. It is that very combination, rigorous documentation and unapologetic condemnation, that has made her one of the most important, and most polarizing, figures in the debate over Gaza. She has forced the international community to confront uncomfortable truths, not only about war, but about complicity, silence, and profit.

Sources:
https://www.reuters.com/business/aerospace-defense/lucrative-business-deals-help-sustain-israels-gaza-campaign-un-expert-says-2025-07-01
https://www.apnews.com/article/e74d283c8cb9c1a61eec61a22ce62dc0
https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/7/10/un-expert-albanese-rejects-obscene-us-sanctions-for-criticising-israel
https://www.un.org/unispal/document/states-must-adhere-to-obligations-under-genocide-convention-francesca-albanese-ohchr-pr-26mar24
https://www.amnesty.org.au/usa-sanctions-against-francesca-albanese-are-disgrace-t-international-justice
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second_inauguration_of_Donald_Trump

AUKUS Update: Trump’s Price Hike and the Shadow of a Sovereignty Clause

This post is an update on the AUKUS saga that I wrote about, back in May 2025. Do you think the Australians are wishing they had stuck with their agreement with the French? 

As the ink dries on Australia’s multi-decade submarine commitment under the AUKUS pact, new political winds out of Washington are shaking the foundations of what Canberra once saw as a strategic guarantee. Under the returning Trump administration, the U.S. is pushing to renegotiate the financial terms of the agreement and is reportedly seeking to insert a wartime control clause, raising fresh concerns about Australia’s sovereignty and strategic independence.

The heart of the issue is money. While Australia has already pledged over US$500 million to help expand U.S. submarine production capacity, Trump’s team is now demanding far more, up to US$2 billion in new payments, as a condition to secure delivery of three to five U.S. Virginia-class nuclear submarines from 2032 onward. These funds would be directed to bolster American shipyards, particularly in Virginia and Connecticut, which remain overextended and under pressure to deliver on U.S. Navy contracts.

The financial squeeze isn’t the only concern. Reports have surfaced in The Australian and News.com.au that a so-called “China clause” may be under quiet negotiation. This clause would give the U.S. the right to reclaim or restrict Australian use of the submarines during a major conflict, particularly one involving China. While the Pentagon has not confirmed the existence of such a clause, the possibility alone has ignited alarm among Australian defense experts and former leaders.

Former Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, an early critic of the AUKUS pact, warned that the submarine deal risks becoming a one-sided arrangement in which Australia pays heavily to host, maintain, and eventually crew American subs, without ever holding true operational control. Bob Carr, another former senior figure, was blunter: if the clause is real, it would render Australia’s billion-dollar fleet a “rental service” for U.S. war planners.

Current officials, including Defence Minister Richard Marles, have sought to play down the growing controversy. He insists the U.S. review is “routine” and that Australia remains committed to the AUKUS vision. But behind closed doors, pressure is mounting. Canberra must now decide whether to comply with the new financial demands and legal caveats—or begin preparing for a prolonged diplomatic standoff.

Meanwhile, in the U.S. and U.K., the shipyards and surrounding real estate markets continue to benefit from AUKUS-linked investments. The U.S. gains not only geopolitical leverage but a quiet economic windfall, as the influx of Australian capital fuels job creation and property demand in key production zones like Newport News, Virginia and Barrow-in-Furness in the UK.

What began as a trilateral alliance of equals now looks increasingly like a bargain between a landlord and tenant, with Australia footing the bill for the privilege of being an American ally. As the strategic calculations shift and Trump’s transactional style returns to the global stage, Australia’s AUKUS submarines may be powerful, but only if Canberra retains the keys.

Sources:
News.com.au
The Guardian
The Washington Post
The Australian
Economic Times

We Are “So Fucked”: Suzuki’s Stark Warning and What Comes Next

David Suzuki, Canada’s most revered environmental voice, has issued a warning with unusual bluntness and finality: “We are so fucked.” Speaking in recent weeks, Suzuki declared that “it’s too late,” stating that the global fight to halt climate catastrophe is effectively lost. His comments have rippled through climate policy circles, activist communities, and public discourse alike, not because the science has changed, but because the candour of the message has stripped away any remaining illusions of gradualism or incremental change.

The context is clear. Extreme weather events are no longer exceptions, they are becoming the rule. July 2024 was the hottest month in recorded human history, and 2025 is on track to exceed it. Wildfires, floods, droughts, and mass displacement now dominate the headlines with increasing regularity. Against this backdrop, Suzuki’s declaration is not a shock, it is confirmation of what many already fear: that mitigation may no longer be enough.

Beyond Optimism: A Shift to Resilience
Suzuki’s words – “we are so fucked” – were not made in jest or despair, but as an urgent call to face reality. He argued that society must now “hunker down”, a phrase that signals a strategic pivot from prevention to adaptation. The idea is not to give up, but to regroup, reorganize, and prepare. In doing so, he joins a growing body of thinkers who have moved past the assumption that global climate agreements or consumer-level behavior changes will be enough to stave off the worst.

Suzuki pointed to places like Finland as examples of what adaptive resilience might look like. Communities there are being asked to prepare for regular power outages, floods, and food shortages by mapping vulnerable neighbours, sharing equipment, and establishing local escape routes and resource stockpiles. In Suzuki’s view, this is no longer the work of fringe preppers, but essential civil preparedness.

Systemic Failure, Not Personal Blame
Central to Suzuki’s critique is the idea that responsibility has been wrongly placed on individuals, rather than on systems. “The debate about climate change is over,” he has said repeatedly. “The science is clear that it’s happening and that humans are causing it.” But rather than empower collective transformation, that clarity has been dulled by decades of delay and deflection. The culprits, he asserts, are fossil fuel companies and the political classes that have shielded them.

These industries, Suzuki argues, have spent years spreading misinformation, lobbying against meaningful legislation, and greenwashing their activities to appear sustainable. The result is a global response that has been far too slow, too fragmented, and too compromised by economic interests to meet the scale of the challenge. While citizens have been urged to recycle and reduce air travel, oil and gas production continues to expand in many countries.

This misdirection has helped create a false narrative that consumer choices alone can avert disaster. Suzuki, echoing many climate scientists and activists, argues that such messaging amounts to a deliberate “psy-op”, a strategic effort to protect entrenched power and profit by scapegoating the individual.

Hunkering Down Is Not Surrender
To “hunker down,” in this context, means to accept what is now inevitable while fighting to minimize further harm. It is a call to prepare for climate impacts that will affect infrastructure, food systems, migration, and public health. This includes planning for power disruptions, ensuring access to potable water, decentralizing food systems, and rebuilding communities to be less reliant on fragile supply chains.

Resilience at the local level becomes critical: communities need to inventory their own vulnerabilities, understand who is most at risk, and develop coordinated mutual-aid structures. Governments will need to lead this transition by investing in renewable grids, disaster planning, urban cooling infrastructure, and community-based health services. And crucially, they must stop subsidizing the very industries responsible for the crisis.

From Climate Denial to Climate Delay
One of the more insidious barriers to action today is not outright denial, but climate delay, a subtle but pervasive tactic that gives the appearance of action while deferring the difficult decisions. Suzuki has long warned against this. The danger now lies not in ignorance, but in political cowardice and corporate co-option. Net-zero pledges decades into the future are meaningless without immediate action. What’s needed is not just a plan, but a reckoning.

Brutal Clarity, Not Despair
Suzuki’s warning may sound like defeat, but it is more accurately described as a turning point. When he says, “We are so fucked,” it is not an invitation to despair, but a demand to confront reality without euphemism or illusion. Hope remains, but it must be grounded in preparedness, in systemic change, and in solidarity. Communities, governments, and institutions must move with the urgency that this moment demands.

The time for optimism as a communications strategy has passed. What remains is action, rooted in clear-eyed honesty and collective survival.

Sources
·      Suzuki, David. “We are so fucked.” Comment posted to X (formerly Twitter), June 2025. https://x.com/mmofcan/status/194218398403468527
·      Reddit Discussion Thread: “It’s too late: David Suzuki says the fight against climate change is lost.” r/CanadaPolitics. July 2025. https://www.reddit.com/r/CanadaPolitics/comments/1lr0xxj
·      David Suzuki Foundation Facebook Page: “The science is clear that it’s happening and that humans are causing it.” https://www.facebook.com/DavidSuzukiFoundation/posts/1157838186389129
·      CBC News. “Climate crisis beyond tipping point? David Suzuki warns of need for local survival plans.” June 2025.
·      IPCC Sixth Assessment Report. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. 2021–2023. https://www.ipcc.ch/ar6/

The BRICS Strategy in 2025: From Dialogue to Direction

In July 2025, the BRICS nations – Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, and an expanded circle now including Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Indonesia, met in Rio de Janeiro for their 17th annual summit. The gathering marked a decisive shift from rhetorical ambition to institutional strategy, as the bloc attempts to redefine global governance, build financial alternatives to the West-led systems, and frame itself as the political voice of the Global South. While the summit was shaped by ongoing geopolitical crises and internal contradictions, it revealed a maturing vision that extends far beyond its original economic coordination mandate.

At the core of this year’s summit was a demand for structural reform in global governance. BRICS leaders called for the United Nations Security Council to be expanded and for the voting structure of institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank to be reweighted to better reflect the global South’s demographic and economic realities. This long-standing frustration with Western-dominated institutions has now sharpened into a diplomatic agenda. What was once a diffuse critique has evolved into coordinated proposals, particularly on the economic front.

One of the summit’s central themes was the steady progress toward de-dollarization. While calls for a BRICS common currency were conspicuously downplayed in Rio, leaders focused instead on more pragmatic steps: local-currency trade settlements, expanded use of central bank digital currencies (CBDCs), and the interoperability of national payment systems through the still-developing BRICS Pay infrastructure. A new cross-border clearing and settlement framework, informally called BRICS CLEAR, was introduced to complement these efforts. These initiatives are designed not only to bypass the U.S. dollar in bilateral and multilateral trade, but also to shield BRICS economies from the volatility and political conditionality associated with Western sanctions and SWIFT-based systems.

To support these ambitions, the New Development Bank (NDB), already capitalized with billions of dollars from member states, is being repurposed. A guarantee facility is in development, modeled loosely on the World Bank’s Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA), to underwrite public and private projects across member states. This is particularly relevant for emerging markets seeking infrastructure finance without the governance conditions typically imposed by the IMF or World Bank. With these tools, the bloc seeks to develop its own version of Bretton Woods-style architecture, updated for multipolar geopolitics.

Climate and sustainability also featured heavily on the summit agenda. Brazil, as host, proposed the “Tropical Forest Forever Facility,” a $125 billion climate financing mechanism aimed at conserving rainforest regions across Latin America, Africa, and Asia. The proposal is a direct challenge to Western narratives that have often placed environmental responsibility solely on the shoulders of developing nations without matching financial commitments. The initiative also serves as a preview of the Global South’s priorities heading into COP30, which will also be hosted by Brazil.

Sustainable development received structural attention beyond climate. The BRICS Business Council and Women’s Business Alliance jointly launched a 2025–2030 action plan focused on strengthening small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) across member states. This includes access to digital markets, cross-border licensing, and gender-equity strategies in entrepreneurship. The bloc appears intent on grounding its geopolitical ambitions in concrete developmental outcomes at the community and enterprise level.

Notably, the summit also launched a framework for artificial intelligence governance. Although still in early stages, the agreement seeks to establish common principles around transparency, ethical use, and protection against algorithmic bias. This aligns with recent UN discussions and serves to position BRICS as a rule-setting body rather than just a rule-taking coalition. With China and India both advancing in AI development, and with Brazil and South Africa playing increasing roles in data regulation, this initiative represents an important test of cross-ideological cooperation in technology governance.

Despite these achievements, internal tensions were evident. Neither President Xi Jinping nor President Vladimir Putin attended in person. India’s leadership walked a diplomatic tightrope, supporting reformist language while resisting deeper integration that might conflict with its ties to the West. Brazil, under President Lula, tempered the bloc’s anti-Western tone, particularly around tariffs and NATO criticism, wary of provoking trade retaliation. These divergences underscore the coalition’s central contradiction: it is an alliance of ambition, not ideology.

Nonetheless, BRICS continues to expand. Indonesia became a full member in January 2025, joining Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia, and others admitted in the prior year. Observers note that the group’s size risks diminishing its coherence, yet the appeal of a multipolar forum remains strong. As the G7 struggles with internal disunity and the Western alliance faces political upheaval, BRICS offers a platform that aligns with the aspirations of many developing nations, even if it cannot yet match Western institutions in capacity or cohesion.

Looking ahead, the bloc’s short-term focus will be on operationalizing its financial and development tools, settlement systems, climate funds, SME supports, and asserting diplomatic pressure for reform in global governance bodies. Over the medium term, its success will depend on the extent to which it can balance economic pragmatism with political heterogeneity. While its vision of a multipolar world is not universally embraced, BRICS has matured into a serious force in global affairs, one increasingly capable of setting its own agenda.

Progressive Momentum and the Future of AOC: A Shift in the Democratic Landscape

Zohran Mamdani’s stunning victory in the New York City Democratic primary has sent a clear and reverberating message through the political establishment. It signals a shift in power from entrenched centrism toward a dynamic, youth-driven progressive movement. For Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (AOC), the implications are profound. As Mamdani steps into the mayoral spotlight, AOC stands poised at the edge of a political evolution that could take her from the House of Representatives to the Senate, or even the White House.

Mamdani’s campaign was more than a local political contest. It was a referendum on the viability of democratic socialism in America’s most populous city. His unapologetically leftist platform: free public transit, rent freezes, municipal grocery stores, drew a wide coalition of voters, particularly young, immigrant, and working-class New Yorkers. That coalition mirrors the one AOC has cultivated since her own upset win in 2018. With Mamdani now demonstrating that these politics can succeed citywide, the progressive agenda that AOC has long championed is entering a new, legitimized phase.

This changing tide places renewed focus on Chuck Schumer’s Senate seat. The Senate Majority Leader will be 77 in 2028, and while he maintains strong institutional support, he represents a more moderate vision of Democratic leadership that no longer captures the imagination of a rising generation of voters. Ocasio-Cortez, by contrast, has maintained her status as the face of a new political movement; media-savvy, policy-driven, and fiercely independent. Mamdani’s victory has demonstrated that progressives can now build coalitions that go beyond isolated districts and may be ready to compete statewide. A challenge to Schumer, once seen as audacious, now feels increasingly plausible.

The broader question is whether AOC might aim even higher. Born on October 13, 1989, she will turn 39 in 2028, making her fully eligible to run for president that year. While such a move would be bold, the current political trajectory is anything, but conventional. Ocasio-Cortez enjoys massive name recognition, unmatched popularity among millennial and Gen Z voters, and an ability to dominate national media cycles in a way that few sitting members of Congress can. With the Democratic base increasingly eager for generational change, her candidacy could resonate far beyond the progressive echo chamber.

Of course, there are considerable challenges. Both Mamdani and AOC have faced criticism over their positions on Israel and Palestine, particularly within New York’s large and politically active Jewish community. Mamdani’s past references to the “globalization of the Intifada” and his support for the BDS movement sparked intense scrutiny, and AOC has similarly faced backlash over her foreign policy stances. These positions may energize parts of the left, but they risk alienating swing voters, older Democrats, and party power brokers, especially in a national contest.

Additionally, Mamdani’s victory, while significant, came within New York City, a progressive stronghold. AOC would need to broaden her base significantly to succeed in statewide or national contests. Yet, Mamdani’s success does signal that progressives now possess the organizational muscle to win more than just symbolic victories. That’s a new development, and it’s likely to embolden Ocasio-Cortez and her allies as they assess the landscape heading into 2028.

The Democratic Party finds itself at a crossroads. The Biden era, defined by incremental centrism and institutional caution, is increasingly out of step with the priorities of a younger, more progressive electorate. Mamdani’s victory illustrates that boldness can win, not just hearts and headlines, but actual votes. That fact changes the calculus for Ocasio-Cortez. She is no longer simply the insurgent voice of the future. She now stands as one of the few national figures capable of uniting a fractured base around a coherent, transformative agenda.

In the aftermath of Mamdani’s win, the question is no longer whether AOC has a path to higher office, it’s which path she will choose. Whether she targets the Senate or sets her sights on the presidency, the progressive movement she helped ignite has reached a new phase of viability. The stage is set. The moment, increasingly, seems hers to seize.

Five Things We Learned This Week

Here’s the latest edition of “Five Things We Learned This Week” for June 28–July 4, 2025, showcasing five entirely new global developments—each occurring in the past seven days:

🧭 1. Trump Signs Sweeping Tax & Spending Bill

• On July 4, President Trump signed a landmark tax-and-spending package into law, following its narrow passage in Congress  .

• This $3.3 trillion bill includes large tax cuts and federal spending boosts, with analysts warning of significant long-term increases in national debt  .

🌍 2. Japan Warms for Possible Quakes, Authorities Calm Public

• On July 4, Japan’s disaster agency alerted residents of potential strong aftershocks off the southwest coast, though downplaying doomsday fears  .

• Authorities emphasized preparedness over panic, urging early warning systems remain active.

🇨🇳 3. China Signals Investment in Brazil‑Led Forest Fund

• At the end of the week, Reuters reported that China plans to back the “Tropical Forests Forever” fund led by Brazil—marking a strategic shift toward joint environmental efforts  .

• This move is viewed as a rare diplomatic gesture amid global climate partnerships.

📈 4. Global Equity Funds See Largest Inflows in 8 Months

• Global equity funds recorded a massive $43.15 billion inflow for the week ending July 2, driven by U.S. stock highs and surging interest in AI and tech sectors  .

• U.S. equity funds accounted for $31.6 billion, with robust gains also seen in European and Asian markets  .

🇲🇩 5. Moldova Leaders Emphasize EU Integration Ahead of Election

• On July 4, Moldova’s President Maia Sandu declared that citizens hold the future of the EU bid in their own hands as the country nears parliamentary elections  .

• Her appeal underscores Moldova’s ongoing push for formal European Union membership.

These five developments span U.S. fiscal policy, earthquake readiness, international environmental funding, global investment trends, and Eastern European geopolitics—all fresh this week. Want source links or deeper insights? Let me know!

Trump 2028: A Dynasty in the Making

As our southern neighbours celebrate their July 4th Independence Day, I thought I might run a little dystopian thinking by you, just for shits and giggles. 

With President Donald J. Trump firmly ensconced in the White House following his inauguration on January 20, 2025, the political spotlight has already shifted to the 2028 presidential contest. Now that Trump has reclaimed the presidency, serving a second, non‑consecutive term, the future of the Republican Party, and particularly the Trump brand, becomes even more intriguing. He cannot run again in 2028 due to the 22nd Amendment, yet his political influence remains as potent as ever. When Trump hints at “Trump 2028,” is he pointing toward a fading hope for a senior comeback, or planting the seeds for a dynastic succession?

Trump’s dismissal of J.D. Vance as the presumptive 2028 nominee, his blunt “No” in mid-2024, was a calculated move. It conveyed more than personal preference; it signaled that no one outside the Trump orbit, especially outside his own family, should assume control of the MAGA movement. That dismissal keeps the party’s trajectory anchored firmly to his legacy and opens the conversation to another Trump, likely Donald Trump Jr., as a strategic heir.

The Trump phenomenon is less ideology, more brand. It thrives on personality, controversy, and performative loyalty rather than governing philosophy. In this context, succession isn’t about grooming a policy-savvy protégé; it’s about sustaining a brand identity built on defiance, spectacle, and a perceived voice for disenfranchised Americans. The successor needs the name recognition, the meme-worthy charisma, and the combative mindset that defines the brand. Among the Trump offspring, only Don Jr. checks all those boxes.

Donald Trump Jr. has transformed himself into the Trump heir apparent. He is a constant fixture in conservative media, wields substantial pull on social platforms, and echoes the base’s grievances with unapologetic fervor. He didn’t build the MAGA mythos; he inherited and amplified it. That inheritance, and his relationships with influencers and activists in the base, have elevated his profile far above that of other Trump offspring. Ivanka has retreated, Eric remains in the family business, and Tiffany is entirely absent from politics. Don Jr. has emerged not just as a surrogate, but as a potential candidate.

Trump’s strategic ambiguity on “Trump 2028” serves multiple purposes. It flusters rivals, keeps the media’s attention, and maintains his grip on the Republican narrative. It also whets the base’s appetite for continuity. Because Trump remains in power, he commands the stage, and if he cannot hold it past 2028, he may hand it to someone who shares his blood, his message, and his followers’ fervor.

Is Don Jr. ready? The question isn’t about his credentials, he has none in elected office, but about his fit for a movement that prizes authenticity over formality. He is a provocateur, not a policy wonk, but if the base values combativeness and brand loyalty over experience, that could be enough. His candidacy would signal that Trumpism is shifting from a moment to a dynasty.

In essence, Trump’s rejection of Vance, his jesting about “Trump 2028,” and the steady rise of Don Jr. aren’t isolated events, they are pieces of a grander design. It’s a blueprint for a political legacy that goes beyond a single man, one that may redefine how power and influence are planned, and passed on, in American conservatism.

As Trump settles into his second term, the real battle isn’t just in Congress or the 2026 midterms, it’s in the heirs he chooses. Will the Republican Party coalesce around a Vance-or-DeSantis alternative, or will Trump Sr. successfully transfer authority to his son? For the MAGA faithful, the answer could come sooner than we think, and carry the Trump name once again into the White House in 2028.

Sources
• U.S. Constitution, 22nd Amendment.
The Hill, “Trump: Vance Not Default 2028 Nominee,” June 2024.
Axios, “Inside the Trump Family Political Machine,” October 2023.
• Maggie Haberman, Confidence Man: The Making of Donald Trump and the Breaking of America, 2022.
• Pew Research Center, “Trump Voter Demographics and Political Influence,” 2020.

A Turning Point for Democrats: Embracing or Repelling the Mamdani Moment

As I write this, I’m still struck by the fact that this is even a controversy. The policies Zohran Mamdani is proposing: free public transit, universal childcare, publicly owned services, are standard practice across much of Europe and other G7 nations, yet many Democrats are voicing concern that New Yorkers, and perhaps Americans more broadly, still aren’t ready to embrace what they call “socialist” ideas.

In June 2025, New York voters spoke clearly. Fifty-six percent of Democratic primary voters chose Zohran Mamdani, a 33-year-old democratic socialist, to carry the party’s nomination for mayor. His platform includes free public transit, universal childcare, rent freezes, and publicly owned grocery stores. To many, this was a breath of fresh air in a city suffocating under the weight of rising costs and entrenched inequality. To others, it was a red flag waving at the edge of a cliff. Now, Democrats face a decision that could define the party for years to come.

Mamdani’s victory was not a fluke. His campaign, reportedly the largest volunteer mobilization in the city’s history, reached over 750,000 doors with 30,000 committed canvassers. He ran on small donations and working-class energy, uniting activists, renters, and disaffected youth. Against him stood Andrew Cuomo, backed by unions, wealthy donors, and a legacy machine. Yet Cuomo could not withstand the wave of grassroots momentum.

The question now facing Democrats is not only how Mamdani won, but what they should do about it. Cuomo is already considering an independent run. Mayor Eric Adams, expelled from the Democratic fold, is still in the race and is quietly collecting business support. This sets up a potential three-way general election, one that could split the left-leaning vote and throw the door open for the candidate who best reassures moderate, outer-borough voters. Democrats must decide if Mamdani’s energy is transferable to the broader electorate or if his policies will cost them the mayoralty.

Mamdani offers a bold, future-oriented vision. He speaks of climate policy not as abstraction but as urban necessity. His platform calls for retrofitting buildings, expanding transit access, and protecting tenants, all framed as investments in equity and resilience. He proposes paying for this with new taxes on the wealthy and on corporations that profit from the city’s infrastructure and labour. For progressives, he represents hope. For moderates, he presents risk.

Critics argue that Mamdani’s platform is more idealism than governance. Taxing millionaires at the city level is legally complex and politically fragile. Governor Hochul has already signaled opposition to any such proposal. Implementing rent freezes and creating city-owned grocery stores would require significant legislative cooperation and administrative capacity. There are also concerns about whether such sweeping programs are financially viable under New York City’s budget constraints.

National Republicans have already begun to label Mamdani as a communist, a charge that PolitiFact has debunked. He is a democratic socialist, not a revolutionary. He believes in using democratic institutions to expand access to public goods and services. Nevertheless, the right will use his image to galvanize resistance, not only in New York but nationwide. Democrats, particularly those eyeing swing districts in 2026, will be watching closely.

The party also faces internal tensions. Some centrist Democrats worry about alienating suburban and immigrant voters who may view Mamdani’s platform as radical. Others remember Buffalo in 2021, when India Walton won the Democratic primary only to be defeated in the general election by a write-in campaign for incumbent Byron Brown. Business leaders in New York have already begun organizing to prevent a Mamdani administration. They are joined by conservative Democrats and Republicans who see this as an existential challenge.

Mamdani’s base, however, is broader than many expected. He performed well not only in left-leaning Brooklyn neighborhoods but also in parts of Queens, the Bronx, and Staten Island. He attracted support from Hispanic, Black, and Asian voters, many of whom feel excluded from the city’s economic gains. Still, his positions on Israel, elite school admissions, and Indian politics have alienated parts of the Jewish, Korean, and Hindu communities. Holding this coalition together in the general election will be a test of political skill and message discipline.

This race is not just about New York City. It is a referendum on the direction of the Democratic Party. After disappointing results in 2024, especially in swing districts and rural areas, Democrats are torn between a progressive future and a centrist past. Mamdani’s success presents a new model: bold ideas, grassroots energy, and unapologetic populism. If he wins in November, the party may shift permanently. If he loses, the lesson may be that ideology cannot overcome institutional resistance and suburban caution.

Democrats now face three decisions. First, whether to support Mamdani fully or distance themselves from his agenda. Second, whether to adopt parts of his platform as a new standard or treat it as a local anomaly. Third, how to communicate his vision without triggering a backlash that could hurt candidates elsewhere.

In many ways, the choice has already been made. Mamdani is now the party’s nominee in the country’s largest and most diverse city. Whether his campaign signals renewal or foreshadows division will depend on the next five months. The general election in November will not just determine who leads New York, but what kind of party the Democrats want to be.