Food Security Requires a Canadian Grocery Fairness Act to Break the Supermarket Cartel

Food prices in Canada are now so high that a growing share of households are skipping meals or relying on food banks, yet the country’s dominant grocery chains continue to post record profits. It’s an economic contradiction that Canadians are no longer willing to ignore. After years of voluntary codes, polite meetings with industry leaders, and vague promises of self-regulation, the time has come for Parliament to act. Canada needs a Grocery Fairness and Anti-Cartel Act to restore competition, transparency, and trust in the food supply.

The data are damning. Between 2019 and 2024, grocery prices rose by more than 25 percent, outpacing both wages and overall inflation. Meanwhile, profit margins at the country’s three dominant players, Loblaw, Sobeys’ parent company Empire, and Metro, reached their highest levels in decades. These three corporations control nearly 60 percent of the national grocery market and, in some provinces, more than 75 percent. Despite the removal of gas taxes and a slowdown in supply chain costs, prices have not come down. The explanation is simple: the grocery sector operates as a de facto cartel.

Canadians have seen evidence of this before. In 2018, a major bread price-fixing scandal revealed collusion among suppliers and retailers that spanned more than a decade. The Competition Bureau’s investigation led to fines and admissions of wrongdoing, but no lasting structural change. The same corporate families and alliances continue to dominate shelf space, dictate supplier terms, and shape consumer prices. Voluntary codes have done little to curb their power. When a handful of companies can quietly move in lockstep on pricing, even without explicit collusion, the outcome is the same: higher costs for everyone else.

A Grocery Fairness Act would not be radical. It would simply align Canada with the kind of market safeguards that already exist in other developed economies. The United Kingdom established a Groceries Code Adjudicator in 2013 to oversee fair dealing between supermarkets and suppliers. The European Union enforces strict competition rules that prevent excessive market dominance and punish “tacit collusion.” Canada, by contrast, still relies on a Competition Act designed for a different era, one that assumes the threat to markets comes from explicit conspiracies rather than structural concentration.

The model law proposed by several economists and policy experts would impose a national market-share limit of 15 percent per grocery chain, and 25 percent in any province. Companies that exceed those thresholds would be required to divest stores or brands until the market is more balanced. It would also make the existing Grocery Code of Conduct legally binding rather than voluntary, ensuring that farmers and small suppliers are protected from arbitrary fees, delisting threats, and other coercive practices.

Most importantly, the law would require large grocers to publish detailed pricing and profit data by category, showing whether retail increases are justified by rising costs. If a chain’s margins expand while input costs stay flat, the public deserves to know. Transparency alone would discourage the kind of quiet, parallel pricing behaviour that has become the norm.

Critics will call this “interference in the market,” but the truth is that Canada no longer has a functioning grocery market in the classical sense. When three firms dominate distribution, logistics, and supply contracts, the market’s self-correcting mechanisms are broken. Economists call it “oligopolistic coordination”; ordinary Canadians call it being gouged at the checkout.

Breaking up concentration would also open the door to regional cooperatives, independent grocers, and Indigenous food enterprises that have been squeezed out of distribution networks. Local ownership builds resilience, especially in rural and northern communities where dependence on a single chain often leads to higher costs and poorer food access.

There is also a broader principle at stake: when corporations profit from a basic human necessity, government has a duty to ensure that profit is earned through efficiency, not exploitation. If the banking sector can be regulated for systemic risk and telecommunications companies for fair access, surely food, the most essential of goods, deserves the same scrutiny.

Canada’s political establishment has been slow to move. The federal government has encouraged the large chains to sign a voluntary code, but participation remains partial and unenforced. Provinces have little power to act independently. The result is a cycle of press releases, hearings, and photo opportunities, while the price of a loaf of bread continues to climb.

A Grocery Fairness and Anti-Cartel Act would mark a decisive shift. It would give the Competition Bureau real structural tools rather than case-by-case investigations. It would make transparency mandatory and collusion punishable by substantial fines or even criminal liability for executives. Most importantly, it would restore the principle that essential markets exist to serve citizens, not to enrich monopolies.

Canada prides itself on fairness. Yet fairness in the grocery aisle has become an illusion. If Parliament wants to restore public confidence and make life affordable again, it should begin not with subsidies or rebates, but with the courage to challenge the corporate concentration that underlies the problem. The country needs a real grocery market, competitive, transparent, and accountable. Anything less is a betrayal of every Canadian who still believes that food should be priced by cost, not by cartel.

Sources:
Statistics Canada, Consumer Price Index data 2019–2024;
Competition Bureau of Canada, Bread Price-Fixing Investigation Report (2018);
Office for National Statistics (UK), Groceries Code Adjudicator Review 2023;
European Commission, Competition Regulation 1/2003.

One Scale, One Union: Simplifying Federal Compensation for a Modern Public Service

Canada’s federal workforce is a patchwork of pay scales, bargaining units, and special arrangements that often pay employees differently for similar work. This complexity creates inefficiency, confuses managers, and undermines transparency. For decades, the federal government has wrestled with these issues, attempting harmonization through studies and pilot projects, but meaningful reform has never been fully implemented.

Prime Minister Mark Carney has the opportunity to finally address this problem by creating a single pay scale for all new hires and promotions, with a central bargaining agent to represent them. Starting April 1, 2027, this reform would apply to every new employee and to anyone promoted after that date. Over time, as legacy employees retire, the workforce would converge under a single, transparent framework, vastly simplifying management and reducing administrative costs.

The current problem
Federal employees are currently represented by multiple unions, covered under different collective agreements, and paid according to a variety of classification systems. Two employees performing essentially the same job in different departments may have different pay scales, benefits, and promotion paths. This complexity creates friction: managers spend more time navigating pay rules than supervising staff, bargaining is prolonged and repetitive, and HR systems are costly to maintain.

Promotions often compound the problem. Without a unified framework, employees may move between roles under different rules or remain in outdated pay bands indefinitely. This creates inequities and prevents the workforce from operating as a coherent system.

A proven foundation exists
Importantly, Canada has not been starting from scratch. During the 1990s, the federal government explored harmonizing job classifications and pay structures under the Universal Classification Standard (UCS) project. The Treasury Board and Public Service Commission produced extensive documentation, job definitions, and classification guidelines. Additional studies, such as the PS2000 project, analyzed potential efficiencies and pathways for standardization. Much of this work remains relevant today.

By leveraging existing frameworks, the government can implement a single pay scale and central bargaining agent far more quickly than starting from scratch. The definitions, classification structures, and analyses already exist, they need modernization, updating for today’s workforce, and political will to implement.

The proposal: one pay scale, one bargaining agent
The plan is straightforward. Starting April 1, 2027:
1. All new hires enter the federal public service under a single UCS-style pay scale, with clear levels tied to responsibility, experience, and job complexity.
2. Any promotions after this date automatically shift employees to the UCS-style scale and the central bargaining agent, ensuring convergence over time.
3. A single central bargaining agent represents all employees on the UVS scale, whether it is a restructured existing union or a newly created organization.

This approach eliminates the patchwork of bargaining units, reduces negotiation complexity, and ensures equitable pay and promotion practices. Employees understand where they fit in the system, managers can deploy staff more effectively, and the public service as a whole becomes easier to administer.

Benefits for government and taxpayers
A single pay scale reduces administrative overhead, simplifies HR planning, and facilitates mobility between departments. One bargaining agent prevents overlapping negotiations, saving months of time and tens of millions in potential costs. By tying promotions to the UCS system, inequities between legacy and new employees shrink naturally over time.

For taxpayers, the benefits are equally clear. Streamlined payroll systems, reduced HR costs, and more predictable budgeting allow funds to be redirected from administrative complexity into actual service delivery. Employees benefit from transparent, fair, and consistent compensation, while management gains clarity and flexibility.

Building a coherent, modern workforce
Canada’s federal public service is one of the largest in the developed world. To make it efficient, equitable, and responsive, it must operate on clear, uniform principles. A single pay scale and central bargaining agent, applied to new hires and promotions after April 1, 2027, provides exactly that.

This reform is achievable because the groundwork is already laid. The challenge is not designing the system, it is implementing it decisively. By building on past harmonization efforts and committing to a transparent framework, Carney can create a public service that is fairer for employees, easier for managers to oversee, and more accountable to Canadians.

Canada can no longer tolerate a federal workforce fragmented by pay scales, bargaining units, and inconsistent policies. One scale, one union, and a commitment to transparency is the path forward.

The Last Whales of Marineland: Law, Ethics, and the Only Path Forward

Marineland sits on the edge of Niagara Falls, a relic of a different era when families came to gape at orcas and belugas performing tricks. Today, the park is closed to the public, its lights dimmed, its tanks mostly empty. Yet the whales remain, silent witnesses to decades of human fascination and exploitation. Among them, the belugas are the last of a long line of captive cetaceans in Canada, and their plight is both a moral and legal reckoning.

For decades, Marineland claimed it brought education and awareness of marine life to Canadians and tourists alike. The reality, as revealed over the last ten years, is more troubling. Since 2019, more than a dozen beluga whales have died at the facility under circumstances that have raised concern among veterinarians, animal welfare groups, and the public. Many were young, far from what should have been a full lifespan, and the explanations provided, while sometimes citing medical causes, fail to address the broader pattern. Photographs and drone footage of barren tanks, water quality issues, and the whales’ unusual behaviors suggest chronic stress and confinement that no educational benefit can justify. The deaths, taken in context, reveal not isolated accidents but the systemic consequences of keeping large, intelligent marine mammals in tanks.

Canada responded to such practices in 2019 by passing the Ending the Captivity of Whales and Dolphins Act. The law bans the breeding, acquisition, import, and export of cetaceans for entertainment. Existing captive animals were “grandfathered” under certain conditions, but new acquisitions or transfers for display are prohibited. In short, sale or export of the remaining belugas from Marineland is illegal. When Marineland recently applied to send its whales to an aquarium in China, the federal government denied the request. The law is unambiguous: the only permissible outcome is relocation to a sanctuary, not further captivity for human amusement.

Legal clarity, however, does not erase the ethical responsibility. These belugas were born or captured for human entertainment. They did not choose this life, and society now bears responsibility for their welfare. Ethics demand that we consider not only physical health but also psychological well-being. Belugas are social, intelligent, and sentient. Repeated confinement, environmental monotony, and loss of companions cause suffering that is both preventable and morally unacceptable. Our laws protect them from further exploitation, but ethical obligation compels us to act now to repair the harm already done.

The only credible path forward lies in the Nova Scotia Whale Sanctuary, being developed by the Whale Sanctuary Project in Port Hilford. This facility is designed as a coastal enclosure, allowing belugas and orcas to live in natural water while receiving veterinary care and human supervision. The sanctuary is not fully operational yet, and relocating large marine mammals is a complex, expensive, and logistically challenging process. Still, this project represents the only legal, ethical, and practical solution for Marineland’s remaining whales. No other facility in Canada can legally or humanely accommodate them, and any alternative that returns them to captivity or commercial display is prohibited under law and would violate ethical principles.

The urgency of the situation cannot be overstated. Marineland is closed to the public and financially strained. Without immediate support, the welfare of these whales is at risk. Government funding and oversight are essential to ensure the whales remain healthy during the transition period. Independent veterinarians and cetacean welfare experts must assess each animal, monitor conditions, and guide care until sanctuary relocation is possible. These steps are not optional; they are necessary to prevent further suffering and to ensure that the legal and ethical framework guiding this process is actually implemented.

Longer-term, the whales’ relocation to Nova Scotia should be accompanied by permanent decommissioning of Marineland’s marine mammal facilities. This is not merely about ending an era; it is about acknowledging responsibility. Marineland profited for decades from holding these whales in suboptimal conditions. It should bear the costs of relocation, long-term care, and veterinary support. Society, in turn, must recognize that the attraction of seeing whales perform tricks is no longer a justification for their suffering.

For the public, the story of Marineland is instructive. It is a reminder that what we once accepted as entertainment can be morally indefensible in retrospect. The law now codifies that view, but ethics demand we go further. The whales’ continued captivity is a human failure, and the only way to right it is through care, sanctuary, and accountability. The Nova Scotia project is more than a refuge; it is a statement that humans are capable of taking responsibility for the consequences of their curiosity, their amusement, and their commerce.

In the end, the last whales of Marineland are a test of our society’s commitment to justice for nonhuman animals. There is no alternative that is lawful, humane, and morally defensible. Relocation to the sanctuary, guided by expert care and public accountability, is the only path that respects both the law and the ethical duty we owe to these sentient creatures. In that effort, we find not only a solution but a measure of ourselves: the ability to act responsibly for those who cannot choose their own fate. For the belugas, the sanctuary is not a luxury – it is justice.

Rethinking Public Safety: Core Changes Needed in Western Policing

Western policing institutions, from the United Kingdom to the United States, are facing mounting scrutiny for systemic failures that undermine public trust and fail to meet the safety needs of communities. Incidents of racial and gendered violence, misuse of force, and institutional culture problems reveal the limitations of the traditional model in which a single, uniformed police force handles the full spectrum of societal harms. This essay argues that public safety requires a reimagined, plural, and layered system. It presents six core principles for reform, grounded in evidence from pilot programs and case studies on both sides of the Atlantic, and discusses the implications for sustainable, accountable, and equitable policing.

Introduction
The model of policing inherited from 19th-century Western institutions, exemplified by Sir Robert Peel’s Metropolitan Police in London and early municipal police forces in the United States, was designed to maintain order and protect property. While law enforcement has evolved considerably, the persistence of systemic failures: including excessive use of force, discrimination, and insufficient accountability, reveals that the traditional, centralized policing model is increasingly misaligned with the safety needs of diverse urban and rural populations. Recent investigations, such as the BBC Panorama exposure of the Metropolitan Police and multiple high-profile police misconduct cases in the United States, underscore the urgency of systemic reform.

Reimagining public safety involves shifting from a monolithic force model to a plural, layered system in which enforcement is distinct from care, accountability is democratized, coercive intervention is minimized, social determinants are prioritized, non-police responders are professionalized, and transparent data guide decision-making.

Principle 1: Separate Enforcement from Care
Crisis responses for homelessness, mental health emergencies, substance use, and domestic conflict are often inappropriate for traditional police intervention. Uniformed officers, trained primarily for law enforcement rather than care, may escalate tensions, criminalize vulnerability, or fail to provide adequate support.

Alternative models, such as CAHOOTS (Crisis Assistance Helping Out On The Streets) in Eugene, Oregon, and similar community response teams in Toronto, Canada, deploy trained clinicians, social workers, and mediators to handle nonviolent crises. Evidence suggests these programs reduce unnecessary arrests, minimize injuries, and improve trust between communities and public safety agencies. In both UK and US contexts, embedding healthcare professionals alongside response teams reduces escalation and prevents downstream criminalization.

Principle 2: Localize and Democratize Accountability
Public trust is strengthened when local communities have oversight and voice in shaping public safety priorities. Establishing community boards with authority over local response teams, transparent complaint resolution processes, and independent civilian audits creates structural incentives for cultural change.

Both London’s Metropolitan Police governance reforms and civilian oversight structures in cities such as New York and Chicago highlight the importance of independent, empowered bodies capable of enforcing accountability. External oversight must have investigatory authority and sufficient resources to ensure timely and effective review of misconduct or systemic failures.

Principle 3: Reduce the Role of Armed, Coercive Interventions
The routine deployment of armed officers contributes to the normalization of coercion and increases the risk of harm, particularly for marginalized communities. In Western contexts, both the UK and US demonstrate the need to reserve armed intervention for narrowly defined, high-risk tasks.

For routine public safety, prioritizing de-escalation, nonviolent conflict resolution, and restorative justice practices promotes harm reduction and community reintegration. Programs such as restorative justice circles in US municipalities and diversionary policing initiatives in the UK demonstrate measurable reductions in recidivism and enhanced community cohesion.

Principle 4: Reinvest in Social Determinants of Safety
Long-term safety cannot be achieved solely through law enforcement. Investments in housing, mental health services, youth programs, education, and employment opportunities address root causes of harm and reduce the likelihood of criminalized behaviors.

Budget reallocations toward prevention and community infrastructure yield higher returns in public safety than expansion of enforcement. Examples include community-led housing initiatives in Scandinavian cities and youth engagement programs in US urban centers, which correlate with reduced crime rates and increased community resilience.

Principle 5: Professionalize Non-Police Crisis Responders
Alternative responders require clear professional frameworks to ensure effectiveness and sustainability. Developing recognized career paths, standardized training, legal authority, and integration with public safety systems is essential. Professionalization enables accountability, credibility, and continuity, ensuring that non-police interventions are treated as legitimate and reliable components of public safety.

Principle 6: Transparent Data and Outcomes
Transparency is foundational for accountability and evidence-based reform. Public dashboards reporting complaints, use of force, referral outcomes, and demographic impacts allow communities to scrutinize performance and guide policy decisions. Both UK and US jurisdictions increasingly deploy open data initiatives to monitor law enforcement and response teams, enhancing trust and supporting adaptive reforms.

Case Studies and Evidence

  • CAHOOTS (Crisis Assistance Helping Out On The Streets), Eugene, Oregon: Mental health crises handled by clinicians rather than police resulted in fewer arrests and reduced hospitalizations.
  • London’s community policing pilots: Embedding officers with community liaison roles increased reporting of minor crimes and improved citizen satisfaction.
  • Toronto’s mobile crisis teams: Mental health and addiction response teams reduced unnecessary emergency department admissions and arrests.

Recent BBC Panorama revelations in London illustrate the stakes of failing to implement such principles: custody suites became environments of normalized bigotry and violence, reflecting an institutional mismatch between coercive tools and public needs. Similar patterns in US police departments, documented through DOJ investigations and local reporting, demonstrate that this is a transatlantic problem.

Western policing institutions are at a critical juncture. The evidence indicates that centralized, uniformed police forces, designed historically to maintain order and protect property, are insufficient to meet contemporary public safety needs. A plural, layered system guided by the six principles; separating enforcement from care, democratizing accountability, reducing coercive interventions, reinvesting in social determinants, professionalizing non-police responders, and ensuring transparency, offers a path toward equitable, effective, and sustainable public safety across Western societies.

Reforms must be systemic, not incremental, and must embrace experimentation and evaluation. The lessons from pilot programs and investigative revelations alike underscore a simple truth: public safety is not merely the absence of crime, it is the presence of care, trust, and community resilience.

Sources:

  1. BBC Panorama. (2023). Undercover: Inside the Met.
  2. Casey, L. (2023). Baroness Casey Review: Independent Review into the Standards of Behaviour and Internal Culture of the Metropolitan Police Service.
  3. CAHOOTS Program (Crisis Assistance Helping Out On The Streets), Eugene, Oregon. White Bird Clinic.
  4. Toronto Mobile Crisis Services. City of Toronto.
  5. New York City Civilian Complaint Review Board.
  6. DOJ Investigations into US Police Misconduct, 2010–2023. U.S. Department of Justice.

When Reform Meets Reality: Carney’s Auto-Filing Plan and a Path to Full Automation

Linking “Four Reforms to Make Ottawa Smaller, Smarter, and More Accountable” (October 3, 2025)

On October 3, 2025, my blog post “Four Reforms to Make Ottawa Smaller, Smarter, and More Accountable” set out a reform agenda for Ottawa; one of its central proposals being the automation of tax filing for wage-only earners so they would no longer need to file returns. That idea aimed to reduce the compliance burden on millions of Canadians and shrink the Canada Revenue Agency’s processing load.

On October 10, 2025, Prime Minister Mark Carney moved the idea from proposal toward practice. He announced that the CRA will begin preparing pre-filled returns for Canadians with simple, low-income situations so they automatically receive credits and benefits without having to navigate the filing process themselves. The government expects an initial rollout for roughly 1 million people (tax year 2026) with plans to scale to about 5.5 million by 2029.

From Pilot to Principle

Carney’s announcement does not yet deliver full blanket automation for all wage-only taxpayers, but it is a clear step in that direction. The targeted pilot focuses on the simplest cases; people whose financial lives are straightforward and whose entitlement to credits can be determined largely from employer withholdings and existing benefit records. This cautious approach is deliberate: it demonstrates feasibility in a controlled way, builds public trust, and generates institutional momentum for broader change.

What felt aspirational on October 3 now has governmental backing. The logic is hard to argue with; if payroll withholding, CPP and EI remittances, and benefits records already contain the necessary data, forcing those taxpayers to file an annual return is redundant bureaucracy.

Why This Matters

Carney’s partial move matters for several reasons. First, it legitimizes the concept of automated reconciliation and changes expectations inside the CRA and Treasury Board. Second, it creates a proof of concept: implementation will surface technical and administrative lessons; data mismatches, appeal processes, and edge cases, that can be resolved before scaling. Third, it frees CRA capacity by reducing routine processing, allowing staff to be redeployed toward enforcement and complex files. Finally, it lays the groundwork to extend automation to a far larger cohort of wage-only taxpayers.

A Practical Roadmap

To build on this announcement and pursue full automation, the government should expand eligibility stepwise from the pilot group to all wage-only earners with no additional income streams. Integrating employer payroll data and benefit records is essential to ensure accurate reconciliation of tax, credits, CPP, and EI. Changes to CRA staffing should be managed by attrition and reassignment rather than sudden layoffs, with legislative changes to formalize default exemptions for simple filers. Crucially, robust appeal and correction mechanisms must accompany automation so taxpayers have recourse if an automated result is incorrect.

From Vision to Reality

Mr. Carney’s auto-filing announcement validates a reform many have described as common sense: for a large share of Canadians, the annual tax return is redundant. The announcement is not the end of the story; it is an important milestone. If Ottawa expands the program, integrates data thoroughly, and legislates appropriate defaults and protections, most wage-earning Canadians could soon be freed from filing, and the CRA could become a leaner, more focused institution.

Sources:

A Transatlantic Lens: Exploring the Biggest Differences Between Europe and North America

The feedback I have been getting is that readers have been enjoying my serialised essays exploring subject matter to greater depth. This series of posts is for my friends on both sides of the Atlantic who love to debate this topic, often over European old growth wine and Alberta beef steaks.

Living in North America since the early 1990s as a European, I’m constantly struck by the quirks, surprises, and sometimes baffling differences between the continents. Over the next few weeks, I’ll explore ten key contrasts: spanning work, cities, food, and politics, and share what these differences mean in everyday life.

The Ten Differences

1. Social Safety Nets

In Europe, healthcare, pensions, and social support are expected parts of life. In North America, it’s more “your responsibility,” with benefits often tied to your job. It’s a mindset shift—comfort versus risk, security versus self-reliance, and it shapes so much of daily life.

2. Urban Planning and Transport

European cities invite walking, biking, and public transit. North American life often demands a car for everything. That difference affects how people socialize, shop, and spend their days. Suddenly, running errands isn’t quick, it’s a logistical decision.

3. Work-Life Balance

Europeans enjoy generous vacations and shorter workweeks. North Americans often work longer hours with less guaranteed downtime. Life here can feel like a constant race, while in Europe, there’s a stronger sense of living, not just working.

4. Cultural Formality and Etiquette

Europeans prize subtlety, traditions, and social cues. North Americans are casual, direct, and friendly—but sometimes painfully blunt. Adjusting between the two takes awareness: what feels warm here might feel sloppy there, and what feels polite there can seem distant here.

5. Business Practices

European companies lean toward consensus, careful planning, and stability. North American firms move fast, take risks, and chase growth. The difference shows up in meetings, negotiations, and career paths; you quickly learn when to push and when to wait.

6. Education Systems

Europe often offers low-cost or free higher education and emphasizes broad learning. North America favors expensive, specialized programs. The gap affects opportunities, student debt, and the way people approach learning for life versus learning for a career.

7. Food Culture

In Europe, meals are rituals – slow, social, and seasonal. Here, convenience and speed often rule, and portions are huge. That doesn’t just shape diets; it changes how people connect over meals and how they experience daily life.

8. Political Culture

European politics embrace multiple parties, coalitions, and compromise. North America leans on two parties and polarized debates. This difference affects trust, civic engagement, and how people view the government’s role in society.

9. History and Architecture

Europeans live among centuries of history in their streets, buildings, and laws. North America feels newer, faster, and more forward-looking. The environment subtly teaches what matters: continuity versus reinvention, roots versus growth.

10. Attitudes Toward Environment

Europe integrates sustainability into daily life: cycling, recycling, and urban planning. North American approaches vary, often prioritizing convenience or growth over ecology. Cultural attitudes toward responsibility shape everything from transportation to policy priorities.

These ten contrasts are just a glimpse of life across the Atlantic. In the weeks ahead, I’ll dive deeper into each, sharing stories, observations, and reflections. The goal isn’t just comparison, it’s understanding how culture shapes choices, habits, and even identity. Stay tuned for the journey.

Why We Must Rethink Policing: History, Failure, and a Path Forward

The Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) has long been emblematic of the modern police force, yet recent investigations, including the BBC Panorama undercover report and the Baroness Casey Review, have exposed deep-seated issues within the institution. These revelations highlight systemic racism, sexism, and a culture that often undermines public trust. This essay argues that the foundational purpose of policing—to protect property and maintain order—has evolved in a manner that no longer aligns with contemporary societal needs. Drawing on recent findings, it contends that the current model of policing is inadequate and proposes a reimagined approach to public safety.

Introduction

The inception of modern policing can be traced back to Sir Robert Peel’s establishment of the Metropolitan Police Service in 1829. Designed to protect property and maintain order, the force’s primary function was to serve the interests of the propertied classes. Over time, the role of police expanded to encompass broader public safety responsibilities. However, recent investigative reports have cast a spotlight on the MPS’s internal culture, revealing systemic issues that question the efficacy and fairness of the current policing model.

Historical Context: The Origins of Modern Policing

Sir Robert Peel’s creation of the MPS was predicated on the need to protect property and maintain social order. This foundational purpose embedded certain priorities within the institution, emphasizing control and enforcement over community engagement and support. As policing evolved, these priorities became ingrained in the institution’s culture, influencing recruitment, training, and operational strategies.

Recent Investigations and Findings

BBC Panorama Undercover Report

In a groundbreaking undercover investigation, BBC Panorama exposed disturbing behaviors within a central London custody suite. Officers were recorded making racist, misogynistic, and Islamophobic remarks, dismissing rape allegations, and boasting about harming detainees. This footage not only shocked the public but also underscored the existence of a toxic culture within the MPS that tolerates discriminatory behavior.

Baroness Casey Review

Commissioned in the wake of the murder of Sarah Everard by a serving officer, the Baroness Casey Review aimed to assess the standards of behavior and internal culture of the MPS. The 2023 report concluded that the MPS is institutionally racist, sexist, and homophobic. It identified systemic failures, including inadequate leadership, a lack of accountability, and a culture that tolerates discrimination. The review’s findings align with the concerns raised by the Panorama investigation, painting a grim picture of the institution’s internal dynamics.

The Inadequacy of the Current Policing Model

The revelations from these investigations suggest that the current model of policing is ill-equipped to serve the diverse and evolving needs of society. The emphasis on enforcement and control, rooted in the historical purpose of protecting property, has led to practices that disproportionately affect marginalized communities. For instance, Black Londoners are more likely to experience police powers such as stop and search, and there is a significant disproportionality in arrest rates.

Furthermore, the culture within the MPS, as highlighted by both the Panorama report and the Casey Review, often undermines public trust. Discriminatory behaviors are not only prevalent but are also tolerated or ignored, leading to a breakdown in the relationship between the police and the communities they serve.

The BBC Panorama Investigation: A Real-Time Illustration

The BBC Panorama undercover investigation inside a central Met custody unit documented officers making racist, misogynistic and Islamophobic remarks, dismissing rape allegations and boasting about harming detainees. The Met responded by suspending officers, disbanding the implicated custody team and opening fast-track disciplinary procedures. The Independent Office for Police Conduct launched further inquiries. The footage shocked national leaders and civil society and rekindled debate about whether incremental internal reform is adequate. The Panorama material must be read alongside the Casey review and prior IOPC reports to see the pattern of failure.

Rethinking Public Safety: Principles for a New Design

  • Separation of Enforcement and Care: Crisis responses, particularly those involving mental health, homelessness, and substance abuse, should be led by trained professionals such as social workers and healthcare providers.
  • Community-Based Policing: Policing should be localized, with officers embedded within communities to build trust and understanding, emphasizing prevention and engagement over enforcement.
  • Accountability and Transparency: Independent oversight bodies should monitor police conduct and ensure accountability. Transparency in operations is crucial to rebuild public trust.
  • Cultural Transformation: Address ingrained institutional discrimination with comprehensive training, clear policies, and a commitment to diversity and inclusion.

Conclusion

The recent investigations into the Metropolitan Police Service have illuminated deep-rooted issues that question the institution’s ability to serve the public effectively and equitably. The historical purpose of policing, focused on protecting property and maintaining order, has evolved in a manner that no longer aligns with the needs of contemporary society. By reimagining public safety through a model that emphasizes care, community engagement, accountability, and cultural transformation, we can build a system that truly serves all members of society. The Panorama footage, the Casey review findings and related inquiries make the imperative clear. It is time to take the harder path and redesign how we secure public safety for everyone.

References

  1. BBC Panorama. (2023). Undercover: Inside the Met.
  2. Casey, L. (2023). Baroness Casey Review: Independent Review into the Standards of Behaviour and Internal Culture of the Metropolitan Police Service.
  3. Hackney Council. (2023). The Met Police as an institution is broken.
  4. Southwark Council. (2023). Response to Baroness Casey’s Final Report.
  5. Mayor’s Office for Policing and Crime (MOPAC). (2024). London Policing Board Equality Impact Assessment.
  6. Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC). (2024). Race Discrimination Report.

When Crown Corporations Forget Their Purpose

Two of Canada’s most visible Crown corporations, Canada Post and VIA Rail, seem to have lost their way. Both were created to knit together a vast and sparsely populated country, ensuring that every Canadian, no matter how remote, had access to essential services. Yet today, both have turned their gaze inward toward big-city markets, downgrading or abandoning the rural, northern, and remote communities they were meant to serve.

The problem is not simply poor management. It is a deeper contradiction in how we think about these federal institutions. Are they public services, funded and guaranteed by the government for the benefit of all? Or are they commercial enterprises expected to operate like businesses, focusing on profitability and efficiency?

Canada Post was once the backbone of national communication. Its universal service obligation was understood as a cornerstone of Canadian citizenship: every town and hamlet deserved a post office, and every address would receive mail. But with letter volumes collapsing and courier giants competing for parcels, Canada Post has shifted its focus to the most profitable markets. Rural post offices are shuttered or reduced to part-time counters in retail stores, and delivery standards in remote regions are steadily eroded.

VIA Rail’s story follows the same pattern. Founded in the late 1970s to preserve passenger trains when private railways abandoned them, it was meant to provide Canadians with a reliable and accessible alternative to highways and airlines. Instead, successive governments have treated VIA as a subsidy-dependent business rather than a national service. The Québec–Windsor corridor receives ever more investment, while iconic transcontinental and regional services limp along on political life support. Communities once promised rail access now watch the trains roll past them, or disappear entirely.

This retreat from universal service runs against the spirit of equality that Canadians expect from their public institutions. The Charter of Rights may not explicitly guarantee access to mail or transportation, but the principle of equal citizenship surely demands more than a market-driven approach that privileges Toronto and Montréal while ignoring Thompson or Whitehorse.

What’s going wrong is simple: Crown corporations are being managed as if they were private companies, not public trusts. Efficiency metrics and financial self-sufficiency dominate decision-making. National obligations are left vague, unenforced, or quietly abandoned. Governments praise the rhetoric of service while starving these corporations of the dedicated funding that would allow them to fulfill it.

Canada is not a compact, densely settled country where commercial logic alone can sustain public goods. It is a nation stitched together across vast geography by institutions that recognize service as a right, not a privilege. If we want Canada Post and VIA Rail to serve all Canadians, we need to stop pretending they can behave like for-profit businesses and still fulfill their mandates.

That choice is ultimately political. Parliament must decide: either redefine these corporations as genuine public services with modern mandates and stable funding, or admit that rural and northern Canadians will always be left behind.

Until then, our Crown corporations will continue to forget their purpose, and with it, a piece of the Canadian promise.

From Dystopian Fiction to Political Reality: Britain’s Digital ID Proposal

As a teenager in the late 1970s, I watched a BBC drama that left a mark on me for life. The series was called 1990. It imagined a Britain in economic decline where civil liberties had been sacrificed to bureaucracy. Citizens carried Union cards; identity documents that decided whether they could work, travel, or even buy food. Lose the card and you became a “non-person.” Edward Woodward played the defiant journalist Jim Kyle, trying to expose the regime, while Barbara Kellerman embodied the cold efficiency of the state machine.

Back then it felt like dystopian fantasy, a warning not a forecast. Yet today, watching the UK government push forward with a mandatory digital ID scheme, I feel as if the fiction of my youth is edging into fact.

The plan sounds simple enough: a free digital credential stored on smartphones, initially required to prove the right to work. But let’s be honest, once the infrastructure exists, expansion is inevitable. Why stop at work checks? Why not use it for renting property, opening bank accounts, accessing healthcare, or even voting? Every new use will be presented as common sense. Before long, showing your digital ID could become as routine, and as coercive, as carrying the Union card in 1990.

Privacy is the first casualty. This credential will include biometric data and residency status, and it will be verified through state-certified providers. In theory it’s secure. In practice, Britain’s record on data protection is chequered, from NHS leaks to Home Office blunders. Biometric data isn’t like a password, you can’t change your face if it’s compromised. A single breach could haunt people for life.

Exclusion is the next. Ministers claim alternatives will exist for those without smartphones, but experience tells us such alternatives are clunky and marginal. Millions in Britain don’t have passports, reliable internet, or the latest phone. Elderly people, the poor, disabled citizens, these groups risk being pushed further to the margins. In 1990, the state declared dissidents “non-people.” In 2025, exclusion could come from something as mundane as a failed app update.

The democratic deficit is just as troubling. Voters already rejected ID cards once, when Labour’s 2006 scheme collapsed under public resistance. For today’s government to revive the idea, in digital clothing, without wide public debate or strong parliamentary scrutiny, is a profound act of political amnesia. We were told only a few years ago there would be no national ID. Yet here it comes, rebranded and repackaged as “modernisation.”

And then there’s the problem of function creep. In 1990, the Union card didn’t begin as an instrument of oppression; it became one because officials found it too useful to resist. The same danger lurks today. A card designed for immigration control could end up regulating everyday life. It could be tied to financial services, travel, or even access to political spaces. Convenience is the Trojan horse of coercion.

The government argues this will tackle illegal working and make life easier for businesses. Perhaps it will. But at what cost? We will have built the very infrastructure that past generations fought to reject: a system where your ability to live, work and move depends on a state-issued credential. The show I watched as a teenager was meant to remind us what happens when people forget to guard their freedoms.

This isn’t just a technical fix. It’s a fundamental shift in the relationship between citizen and state. Once the power to define your identity sits in a centralised digital credential, you no longer own it, the government does. That should chill anyone who values freedom in Britain.

We need to pause, debate, and if necessary, reject this plan before the future we feared on screen becomes the present we inhabit.

Sharing as the Core of Influence in Knowledge-Driven Organizations

In contemporary organizational theory, the capacity to share knowledge efficiently is increasingly recognized not merely as a good practice, but as one of the central levers of influence, innovation, and competitive advantage. Influence in the workplace is no longer determined solely by formal authority or proximity to decision-makers; it hinges instead on who opens up their ideas, disseminates outcomes, and builds collective awareness. Knowledge sharing, properly conceived, is a social process that undergirds learning, creativity, and organizational agility.

Why Sharing Still Matters
Even with advances in digital collaboration tools, hybrid work environments, and more explicit knowledge management policies, many organizations continue to wrestle with information silos, “knowledge hoarding,” and weak visibility of what colleagues are doing. These behaviors impose hidden costs: duplication of work, failure to capitalize on existing insights, slow adoption of innovations, and organizational inertia.

Empirical studies confirm that when organizational climate is supportive, when centralization and formalization are lower, knowledge sharing behavior (KSB) tends to increase. For example, a recent study of IT firms in Vietnam (n = 529) found that a positive organizational climate had a direct positive effect on KSB, while high degrees of centralization and formalization decreased knowledge‐sharing intentions.  

Moreover, knowledge sharing is strongly associated with improved performance outcomes. In technological companies in China, for instance, research shows that AI-augmented knowledge sharing, along with organizational learning and dynamic capabilities, positively affect job performance.  

Theoretical Foundations & Diffusion of Influence
A number of established frameworks help us understand both how knowledge spreads and why sharing can shift influence within organizations.
Diffusion of Innovations (Everett Rogers et al.): This theory explains how new ideas are adopted across a social system over time via innovators, early adopters, early majority etc. Key variables include communication channels, time, social systems, and the characteristics of the innovation itself.
Threshold Models & Critical Mass: Recent experiments suggest that when a certain proportion of individuals (often around 20-30%) behave in a particular way (e.g. adopting or sharing an innovation), that can tip the whole system into broader adoption. For example, one study found that social diffusion leading to change in norms becomes much more probable once a committed minority exceeds roughly 25% of the population.
Organizational Climate & Intention/Behavior Models: Behavior intentions (e.g. willingness to share) are shaped by trust, perceived support, alignment of individual and organizational values, and perceived risk/benefit. These mediate whether knowledge is actually shared or hidden.  

Barriers & Enablers
Understanding why people don’t share is as important as understanding why they do.

Barriers include:
Structural impediments like overly centralized decision frameworks, rigid hierarchy, heavy formalization. These reduce the avenues for informal sharing and flatten the perceived payoff for going outside established channels.
Cognitive or psychological obstacles, such as fear of criticism, loss of advantage (“knowledge as power”), lack of trust, or simply not knowing who might benefit from what one knows.
Technological and process deficiencies: poor documentation practices, weak knowledge management systems, lack of standard archiving, difficult to locate material, etc. These make sharing costly in terms of effort, risk of misunderstanding, or duplication.  

Enablers include:
• Cultivating a learning culture: where mistakes are not punished, where experimentation is supported, and where informal learning is valued. Studies in team climate show that the presence of an “organizational learning culture” correlates strongly with innovative work behavior.
• Leadership that is supportive of sharing: transformational, inclusive leadership, openness to new ideas even when they challenge orthodoxy. Leaders who make visible their support for sharing set norms.
• Recognition, incentive alignment, and reward systems that explicitly value sharing. When sharing contributes to promotions, performance evaluations, or peer recognition, people are more likely to invest effort in it.  

Influence through Sharing: A Refined Model
Putting this together, here is a refined model of how sharing translates into influence:
1. Visibility: Sharing makes one’s work visible across formal and informal networks. Visibility breeds recognition.
2. Peer Adoption & Critical Mass: Innovation often needs a threshold of peer adoption. Once enough people (often around 20-30%) accept or discuss an idea, it tends to propagate more broadly. Early informal sharing helps reach that threshold.
3. Legitimization & Institutionalization: When enough peers accept an idea, it begins to be noticed by formal leadership, which may then adopt it as part of official strategy or practice. What was once “radical” becomes “official.”
4. Influence & Reward: As an individual or team’s ideas get absorbed into the organizational narrative, their influence increases. They may be entrusted with leadership, provided more resources, or seen as agents of change.

Recent Considerations: Hybrid Work, Digital Tools, AI
Over the past few years, changes in how and where people work, plus the integration of AI into knowledge-sharing tools, add new dimensions:
• Remote and hybrid setups tend to magnify the problems of invisibility and isolation; informal corridor conversations or impromptu check-ins become less likely. Organizations must work harder to construct virtual equivalents (e.g. asynchronous documentation, digital forums, internal social networks).
• AI and knowledge-management platforms can help accelerate sharing, reduce friction (e.g. discovery of existing reports, automatic tagging, summarisation), but they also risk over-trust in automation or leaving behind tacit knowledge that is hard to codify.
• Given the increasing volume of information, selective sharing and curating become skills. Not every detail needs to be shared widely, but knowing what, when, and how to share is part of influence.

Implications for Practice
For individuals aiming to increase their influence via sharing:
• Embed documentation and archival processes into every project (e.g. phase reports, lessons learned).
• Use both formal and informal channels: internal blogs or newsletters, but also coffee chats, virtual social spaces.
• Be willing to experiment, share preliminary findings; feedback improves ideas and increases visibility.

For organizations:
• Build a culture that rewards sharing explicitly through performance systems.
• Reduce structural barriers like overly centralized control or onerous formalization.
• Provide tools and training to lower the effort of sharing; make knowledge easier to find and use.
• Encourage cross-team interactions, peer networks, communities of practice.

Final Word
Sharing is not just a morally good or nice thing to do, it is one of the most potent forms of influence in knowledge-based work. It transforms static assets into living processes, elevates visibility, enables innovation, and shapes organization culture. As the world of work continues to evolve, those who master the art and science of sharing will increasingly become the architects of change.

References:
Here are key sources that discuss the concepts above. You can draw on these for citations or further reading.
1. Xu, J., et al. (2023). A theoretical review on the role of knowledge sharing and … [PMC]
2. Peters, L.D.K., et al. (2024). “‘The more we share, the more we have’? Analyses of identification with the company positively influencing knowledge-sharing behaviour…”
3. Greenhalgh, T., et al. (2004). “Diffusion of Innovations in Service Organizations.” Milbank Quarterly – literature review on spreading and sustaining innovations.
4. Ye, M., et al. (2021). “Collective patterns of social diffusion are shaped by committed minorities …” Nature Communications
5. Bui, T. T., Nguyen, L. P., Tran, A. P., Nguyen, H. H., & Tran, T. T. (2023). “Organizational Factors and Knowledge Sharing Behavior: Mediating Model of Knowledge Sharing Intention.”
6. Abbasi, S. G., et al. (2021). “Impact of Organizational and Individual Factors on Knowledge Sharing Behavior.”
7. He, M., et al. (2024). “Sharing or Hiding? Exploring the Influence of Social … Knowledge sharing & knowledge hiding mechanisms.”
8. Sudibjo, N., et al. (2021). “The effects of knowledge sharing and person–organization fit on teachers’ innovative work …”
9. Academia preprint: Cui, J., et al. (2025). “The Explore of Knowledge Management Dynamic Capabilities, AI-Driven Knowledge Sharing, Knowledge-Based Organizational Support, and Organizational Learning on Job Performance: Evidence from Chinese Technological Companies.”
10. Koivisto, K., & Taipalus, T. (2023). “Pitfalls in Effective Knowledge Management: Insights from an International Information Technology Organization.”