Tag Archives: Canada

From Margins to Mainstream: Mapping Canada’s Extremist Surge

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Masked street mobilizations and online echo chambers are visible symptoms of a deeper shift in Canada’s political landscape. What once seemed like marginal groups have found renewed capacity to organize, recruit and intimidate through a blend of in-person rallies and social media amplification. The Niagara rally reported by CBC is not an isolated curiosity, but part of a pattern of small, local actions that feed a national ecosystem of grievance, identity politics and conspiratorial narratives.  

The scale of the problem can be measured in public data. Police-reported hate crimes reached 4,777 incidents in 2023, an increase of 32 percent from 2022 and more than double the level recorded in 2019. These statistics do not merely count crimes. They indicate a widening public space in which targeted hostility against religious, racial and sexual minorities has become more frequent and more visible. The sharp rise in antisemitic and sexual orientation motivated incidents stands out as evidence that certain communities are being disproportionately affected.  

National security agencies have also sounded alarms. Recent public reporting from the Canadian Security Intelligence Service documents the diversification of extremist threats within Canada and the real-world harms that can emerge from online radicalization. Analysts point to a mosaic of actors including white supremacists, ethnonationalists, militia-style adherents and anti-government networks. That heterogeneity makes a single policy response insufficient. Effective mitigation requires coordinated law enforcement, targeted community supports and a sharper focus on the digital platforms that enable cross-jurisdictional recruitment.  

Transnational influences matter. Ottawa’s 2021 decision to list the U.S. Three Percenters militia as a terrorist entity underscores how American militia culture and extremist flows cross the border. That decision was an acknowledgement that ideological currents and organizational tactics are not constrained by national boundaries. Canadian actors borrow symbols, rhetoric and operational playbooks from movements abroad, complicating the domestic security picture and raising questions about how best to disrupt international networks without undermining civil liberties.   

Civil society research highlights the central role of online environments in the recent resurgence. Scans of social media and fringe platforms document how recruitment, normalization and coordination occur through memes, influencers and algorithmic suggestion. Those processes create local nodes of activity that can quickly translate into physical gatherings, harassment campaigns or worse. The internet does not create grievances, but it accelerates their spread and lowers the cost of mobilization.  

Policy responses must be pragmatic and evidence based. Better resourcing for hate crime reporting and victim support will improve data quality and community resilience. Transparent intelligence-public safety engagement can help identify violent plots early without casting suspicion across entire communities. Digital literacy initiatives and platform accountability will reduce the fertile ground on which extremist recruiters thrive. Above all, elected leaders must use language that reduces polarization rather than stokes it, because political rhetoric shapes both perception and legitimacy in the public square.

Sources:
CBC report on the Niagara rally https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/hamilton/second-sons-rally-in-niagara-1.7628162
Statistics Canada Police-reported hate crime in Canada, 2023 https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/250325/dq250325a-eng.htm
CSIS Public Report 2024 https://www.canada.ca/content/dam/csis-scrs/images/2024publicreport/newest/Public_Report_2024-ENG.pdf
Reuters on Three Percenters terrorist listing https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/canada-puts-us-right-wing-three-percenters-militia-group-terror-list-2021-06-25/
ISD An Online Environmental Scan of Right-wing Extremism in Canada https://www.isdglobal.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/An-Online-Environmental-Scan-of-Right-wing-Extremism-in-Canada-ISD.pdf

Nation-Building by Design: The Strategic Nature of Carney’s Infrastructure Agenda

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Canada is entering a new phase of nation-building, one that blends urgent economic needs with longer-term structural transformation. Under Prime Minister Mark Carney, the government has moved decisively to put infrastructure back at the centre of Canadian economic policy. The legislative and programmatic architecture that has been put in place in 2025 reveals not only a desire to build quickly, but also a strategy to re-shape the foundations of trade, energy, housing, and Arctic sovereignty. The pattern of investment and institution-building shows a layered approach: short-term relief to pressing bottlenecks, medium-term positioning of Canada as a reliable trading partner and energy supplier, and long-term steps to reinforce sovereignty, climate resilience, and competitiveness.

At the core lies the One Canadian Economy Act, passed in June 2025, which dismantles federal barriers to interprovincial trade while creating the Building Canada Act. This framework enshrines the ability to designate projects of “national interest” for streamlined approval. The intent is clear: Canada cannot afford to have critical transmission lines, export terminals, or transportation corridors stalled indefinitely in regulatory gridlock. To operationalize this authority, the government launched a Major Projects Office (MPO), with an Indigenous Advisory Council integrated into its structure. The MPO serves as a single-window permitting and financing hub, designed to shepherd nation-building projects through approvals in under two years. The short-term gain is administrative clarity and accelerated approvals; the medium-term payoff is a pipeline of projects that directly enhance trade capacity and energy reliability.

Housing has been treated with equal urgency. The creation of Build Canada Homes, announced in the May Throne Speech and detailed in August, signals a willingness to intervene directly in housing supply. Paired with CMHC’s Housing Design Catalogue, which offers standardized blueprints for gentle density from accessory units to six-plexes, the federal role is shifting from passive funding to active delivery. Short-term gains include faster project approvals and cost savings for small-scale builders. In the medium term, Build Canada Homes intends to scale modular and prefabricated construction to double housing output, stabilizing affordability while anchoring domestic supply chains in Canadian lumber and inputs. The long-term structural effect would be the normalization of higher building rates across the country, a prerequisite for sustaining workforce mobility and economic competitiveness.

Trade and corridor infrastructure forms the third pillar. The Trade Diversification Corridor Fund, budgeted at five billion dollars, is designed to expand port and rail capacity and reduce Canada’s overreliance on U.S. gateways. The High Frequency Rail (HFR) project between Toronto, Ottawa, Montreal, and Quebec City is continuing, promising transformative improvements to the most densely populated corridor. In the short run, HFR stimulates engineering and pre-construction employment. Medium-term gains will appear in reduced congestion, faster business travel, and increased regional integration. The long-term dividends include lower emissions and globally competitive connectivity between Canada’s political and financial capitals.

The expansion of the Port of Churchill in northern Manitoba illustrates how the government is aligning regional development with national strategy. With over $175 million in new federal funding, $36 million from Manitoba, and parallel commitments from Saskatchewan, Churchill is being re-equipped as a trade-enabling Arctic gateway. Recent investments in rail reliability, storage capacity for minerals, and new wharf facilities are positioning it as a potential hub for agricultural exports and critical minerals. The short-term impact is the stabilization of Hudson Bay Railway service, critical for northern communities. The medium-term benefit is expanded shipping capacity during the navigable season. The long-term prize lies in climate-extended Arctic navigation, which could turn Churchill into a permanent transatlantic container port, reshaping Canada’s role in global shipping.

Energy and clean industrial infrastructure represent another strategic frontier. Through the Canada Growth Fund (CGF), Ottawa is deploying $15 billion to de-risk large low-carbon projects, with seven billion earmarked for carbon contracts for difference. This mechanism gives investors certainty that carbon pricing will not collapse, unlocking private capital for carbon capture, hydrogen, and industrial decarbonization. Short-term benefits include early project commitments, such as waste-to-energy facilities in Alberta. Medium-term, these contracts build a domestic market for clean technologies and expand Canada’s share in global green supply chains. Long-term, CGF instruments lay the foundation for a carbon-competitive industrial economy, ensuring Canadian heavy industry remains viable under international climate rules.

The Arctic and defence agenda provides a parallel set of strategic investments. NORAD modernization, including the joint development of over-the-horizon radar with Australia, directly strengthens northern surveillance. The Canadian Patrol Submarine Project, with three bidders shortlisted, will anchor significant industrial activity in Canadian shipyards. In the short run, these procurements inject capital into defence industries. Medium-term gains include jobs, technology transfer, and new capacity in coastal infrastructure. The long-term effect is reinforcement of Arctic sovereignty and continental security at a time of intensifying geopolitical competition.

Underlying all of this is continuity through existing transfers such as the Canada Community-Building Fund, which locks in $26.7 billion for local water, transit, and road projects through 2034. These represent the essential backbone investments that ensure communities can absorb population growth and remain livable, complementing the marquee projects at the national level.

Taken together, these initiatives reveal a strategy that is both defensive and offensive. In the short term, Canadians will see more housing starts, more shovels in the ground for rail and port expansions, and more certainty for clean-tech investors. Over the medium term, the country will gain diversified trade routes, a more mobile workforce, and scaled-up housing supply that cools inflationary pressures. In the long run, the institutional innovations of 2025, the One Canadian Economy Act, the Major Projects Office, and the Canada Growth Fund, may be remembered as the architecture that enabled Canada to hold its ground as a sovereign, competitive, and sustainable economy in a fracturing world.

Feeding Ourselves Together: Why Community Co‑op Food Stores Belong in a Barrier-Free Canada

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I have written before about why we need to see cooperative food stores in communities across Canada. With the recent reduction or removal of trade barriers, now is the time to make this happen.  

Across Canada, there is a growing hunger – not only for better food, but for better ways of feeding our communities. The conventional supermarket model, dominated by multinational chains and long supply chains, has left many rural and urban neighbourhoods underserved, overpriced, or entirely cut off from fresh, affordable produce. In this landscape, community-based food cooperatives offer a compelling alternative. They prioritize local sourcing, democratic ownership, and keeping profits within the community. With momentum building to eliminate interprovincial trade barriers in Canada, the conditions are finally aligning to help co‑ops move from niche to necessary.

Historically, Canada’s internal trade system has been surprisingly fragmented. Despite a national economy and federal structure, provinces have operated with distinct sets of rules on everything from food labeling to trucking routes. These non-tariff barriers have acted like an invisible tax on internal trade – estimated by economists to be equivalent to a 21 percent tariff. The consequences have been far-reaching: regional producers face steep compliance costs just to sell across a provincial border; small grocers and co‑ops encounter shipping delays and complex regulations; and ultimately, consumers pay more at the till, with one estimate suggesting Canadians lose up to $200 to $250 per year on food costs due to internal barriers.

This disjointed regulatory landscape has been particularly tough on community co‑ops, which often rely on smaller suppliers who can’t afford to navigate provincial red tape. A co‑op in Saskatchewan wanting to feature artisanal Quebec cheese, or a Northern Ontario store hoping to offer Nova Scotia apples, may find themselves tangled in transportation rules, inspection standards, or product packaging requirements that vary from one province to the next. For organizations founded on values of local empowerment and food access, these barriers have long undermined their ability to operate efficiently and expand.

But change is in the air. A concerted effort, led by federal and provincial governments in response to longstanding calls from economists, producers, and consumers, is finally dismantling these internal walls. The Canadian Free Trade Agreement (CFTA), adopted in 2017, was a foundational shift. It moved from a restrictive “positive list” approach, where only specified goods could cross provincial lines freely, to a “negative list,” where everything is presumed tradeable unless specifically excluded. Further momentum arrived in 2025 with the introduction of the One Canadian Economy Act, which enshrined mutual recognition of many provincial regulations and expanded labour mobility agreements. Recent cooperation between provinces like Alberta, British Columbia, and Nova Scotia has also smoothed trade in alcohol and agri-food products, and Ontario is now joining these efforts.

For food co‑ops, these developments are transformative. Reduced regulatory duplication and harmonized standards mean a broader, more diverse pool of suppliers is accessible. A co‑op in Winnipeg can now stock free-range eggs from a Manitoba farm alongside preserves from Prince Edward Island without needing a legal team to ensure compliance. With fewer restrictions on trucking and packaging, costs are lowered and logistics are simplified. This makes it more feasible for new co‑ops to start up, for existing ones to expand, and for regional partnerships to flourish.

Communities stand to gain tremendously from this shift. Food cooperatives can now tap into a more diverse national supply while staying true to their commitment to local and sustainable sources. Access to different growing zones and seasonal products across the country helps stabilize supply, especially for regions prone to climate disruptions. In Indigenous and Northern communities, where reliable food access remains a challenge, co‑ops empowered by seamless interprovincial trade could offer life-changing improvements.

There is also a broader economic story here. With fewer trade restrictions, small- and medium-sized farms and food businesses gain new markets. Many of these enterprises are community-owned or family-run. Selling into co‑ops in other provinces can help them grow sustainably without abandoning their values. The revenue generated stays local, supporting jobs, infrastructure, and innovation. Over time, this creates a virtuous cycle of local food systems supporting each other across provincial lines – a true pan-Canadian cooperative economy.

The benefits are not only economic. Food co‑ops build social capital. They encourage civic participation, give members a voice in decision-making, and often support education, nutrition, and sustainability initiatives. By breaking down provincial barriers, Canada is not just enabling trade; it is strengthening the social fabric of its communities.

Still, vigilance is needed. Some of the most entrenched barriers, particularly in supply-managed sectors like dairy and poultry, remain in place. Continued advocacy will be necessary to ensure reforms are fully implemented and that smaller players, including co‑ops, are not overlooked in favour of large industrial producers. But the path forward is clearer than it has ever been.

The vision of a Canada where every town and neighbourhood can nourish itself through a thriving, cooperative food economy is no longer idealistic – it is within reach. The removal of internal trade barriers is more than just a policy win; it is a catalyst for community renewal. It allows cooperatives to be what they were always meant to be: rooted in the local, connected across regions, and working together to feed a stronger, fairer nation.

Sources:
• Retail Insider (2025). “Interprovincial Trade Barriers Impact Canada’s Food and Beverage Sector.” https://retail-insider.com/retail-insider/2025/01/interprovincial-trade-barriers-impact-canadas-food-and-beverage-sector
• Canada Regulatory Review (2025). “The Impact of Lower Interprovincial Trade Barriers on Canada’s Agriculture and Agri-Food Sector.” https://www.canadaregulatoryreview.com/the-impact-of-lower-interprovincial-trade-barriers-on-canadas-agriculture-and-agri-food-sector
• Financial Times (2024). “Internal Canadian Trade Costs More Than You Think.” https://www.ft.com/content/90d68648-1905-48f9-906c-301ff047ca56
• Canadian Grocer (2025). “Breaking Down Interprovincial Trade Barriers: What’s at Stake for the Food Sector?” https://canadiangrocer.com/breaking-down-interprovincial-trade-barriers-whats-it-food-sector
• Reuters (2025). “Carney Says Canada Aims to Have Free Internal Trade by July 1.” https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/carney-says-canada-aims-have-free-internal-trade-by-july-1-amid-us-tariffs-2025-03-21/

The Tintina Fault: Canada’s Overlooked Seismic Time Bomb

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For decades, the Tintina Fault, a massive geological feature stretching over 1,000 kilometers from northeastern British Columbia through the Yukon to central Alaska, was considered a dormant relic of Earth’s tectonic past. However, recent studies have revealed that this once-quiet fault line is far from inactive. Instead, it’s quietly accumulating strain, potentially setting the stage for a significant seismic event in the near future.  

A Long-Dormant Fault Awakens
Historically, the Tintina Fault was thought to have been inactive for millions of years. This perception was based on the absence of significant earthquake activity, and the lack of obvious surface ruptures. However, advancements in geophysical research have challenged this assumption. Using high-resolution LiDAR imaging and satellite data, researchers have identified fault scarps, surface ruptures indicating past seismic activity, along a 130-kilometer segment near Dawson City, Yukon. These findings suggest that the fault has experienced significant movement in the past 2.6 million years, with the most recent major event occurring approximately 132,000 years ago .  

Accumulating Strain: A Recipe for Disaster
One of the most concerning aspects of the Tintina Fault is the strain it’s accumulating. Over the past 12,000 years, the fault has been slowly building up tectonic pressure at a rate of 0.2 to 0.8 millimeters per year. This seemingly insignificant rate translates to a substantial slip deficit of approximately six meters. If this accumulated strain is released suddenly, it could result in an earthquake with a magnitude exceeding 7.5 – comparable in size to the devastating 2010 Haiti earthquake .  

Potential Impacts on Northern Communities
While the Yukon is sparsely populated, communities like Dawson City could face significant challenges if the Tintina Fault were to rupture. The region’s infrastructure, including roads and buildings, may not be designed to withstand such a powerful earthquake. Additionally, the area’s susceptibility to landslides could exacerbate the situation, leading to further damage and potential loss of life.  

Reevaluating Seismic Risk Models
The newfound activity along the Tintina Fault has prompted scientists to reassess Canada’s National Seismic Hazard Model. Previously, the fault was not considered a significant earthquake source. However, the recent findings indicate that it may pose a more substantial risk than previously thought. As a result, researchers are advocating for updates to hazard models and increased preparedness in the region. 

The Tintina Fault serves as a stark reminder that even seemingly dormant geological features can harbor significant seismic potential. As our understanding of Earth’s tectonic processes deepens, it’s crucial to remain vigilant and proactive in assessing and mitigating natural hazards. The recent revelations about the Tintina Fault underscore the importance of continuous research and preparedness in safeguarding communities against the unpredictable forces of nature.

Canada Post’s Red Flag Fumble: Why “Clarifications” Can Backfire

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Canada Post has a knack for finding itself in the headlines for all the wrong reasons. This week’s rural delivery flap (pun intended) has all the makings of another avoidable PR bruise. The issue? Mail carriers in rural areas have been told not to raise the red flag on mailboxes to signal incoming mail. According to Canada Post, the flag’s intended use has always been one-way: customers put it up to show there’s outgoing mail for pickup. The new instruction, they insist, is simply a “clarification” of longstanding policy, not a change in service.

For many rural residents, especially those with long driveways or mobility challenges, that little red flag has been a simple, effective communication tool for decades. It’s the rural equivalent of the notification icon on your phone – no need to trek through the snow or heat just to find an empty mailbox. Taking that away may align with corporate guidelines, but it’s a practical step backward in terms of customer experience.

Canada Post’s position is that the flag’s misuse by some carriers created inconsistency across the country. Some postal workers raised the flag for incoming mail, others didn’t, and now they’re enforcing a uniform standard. That sounds fine in a policy manual, but in real life, it translates into removing a service habit people value, without offering a replacement. And while this might be a small operational tweak from their perspective, it has outsized symbolic weight in the communities it affects.

The reaction has been swift and pointed. Rural customers, already feeling underserved compared to their urban counterparts, see this as yet another example of Ottawa making decisions without understanding life outside the city. The Canadian Union of Postal Workers says it wasn’t even consulted before the clarification went out. That’s not just a failure of courtesy; it’s a failure of internal communication that risks alienating frontline staff, the very people who are the public face of Canada Post.

For a federal agency that has spent years trying to modernize its image and service model, this is a curious hill to die on. Public trust in Canada Post has already been dented by service delays, price hikes, and reduced delivery frequency in some areas. Now, they’ve added a decision that feels to many, like a needless reduction in convenience. The optics are terrible: instead of talking about new rural service improvements, the conversation is about a flag on a box.

Good public relations isn’t just about press releases and branding campaigns. It’s about anticipating how policy changes, even small ones, will land with the people you serve. A true customer-first approach would have looked for alternatives: maybe a text notification service for rural deliveries, or an opt-in program where carriers could continue flag use. Instead, Canada Post has doubled down on the technical definition of a mailbox flag, while ignoring the human element of how that signal has been woven into daily routines.

The irony is that the red flag rule may be correct in theory, but in practice, it’s a perfect example of winning the policy argument while losing the public. For rural Canadians, this feels like one more example of an institution not listening. And for Canada Post, it’s another case of stepping on their own toes – this time, with both boots planted firmly in the gravel of a country driveway.

Sources: CP24, Halifax CityNews, CJDC TV

Maplewashing: The Hidden Deception in Canadian Grocery Aisles

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Maple leaves on packaging, “Product of Canada” claims, and patriotic hues of red and white, these symbols of national pride are meant to instill trust and confidence in Canadian consumers. Yet behind some of these labels lies a troubling trend: the misrepresentation of imported food as domestically produced. Known colloquially as “maplewashing,” this practice is drawing increased scrutiny as Canadians seek greater transparency, and authenticity in their grocery choices.

At its core, maplewashing is a form of food fraud. Products sourced from the United States or other countries are being marketed with suggestive imagery or ambiguous labeling that implies Canadian origin. In some cases, food items imported in bulk are processed or repackaged in Canada, allowing companies to legally label them as “Made in Canada” or “Product of Canada” under current regulatory loopholes. This manipulation undermines consumer confidence and disadvantages local producers who adhere strictly to Canadian sourcing standards.

The Canadian Food Inspection Agency (CFIA) defines food fraud as any deliberate misrepresentation of food products, including their origin, ingredients, or processing methods. While the CFIA has made progress in addressing such issues, the agency still faces challenges in policing the retail landscape. Consumers have reported examples of apples from Washington state sold under Canadian branding, and frozen vegetables with packaging that evokes Canadian farms but are sourced entirely from overseas. These practices erode the integrity of the food system and compromise informed consumer choice.

In response to growing concern, some major retailers have attempted corrective measures. Loblaw Companies Ltd., for instance, has piloted initiatives to label tariff-affected American products with a “T” to signal their origin. Other grocers have begun offering clearer signage or dedicated sections for verified Canadian goods. Despite these efforts, enforcement remains patchy, and misleading labels continue to circulate freely on supermarket shelves.

Digital tools have emerged as allies in the fight against maplewashing. Smartphone apps now allow consumers to scan barcodes and trace the country of origin of a product, giving them the ability to verify claims independently. These apps, combined with mounting consumer pressure, are gradually raising the bar for accountability in food labeling.

Still, the systemic nature of the problem requires more than consumer vigilance. Regulatory reform is essential. Advocacy groups have called on the federal government to tighten definitions for what qualifies as “Product of Canada.” Under current guidelines, a product can be labeled as such if 98% of its total direct costs of production are incurred in Canada. Critics argue that this threshold allows too much flexibility for products with foreign origins to slip through.

Maplewashing is not merely a matter of misplaced labels. It is a breach of trust between food producers, retailers, and the Canadian public. As more shoppers demand transparency and local accountability, there is an opportunity to rebuild confidence through clearer standards, stronger enforcement, and a renewed commitment to honest labeling. Food should tell the truth about where it comes from, and no amount of patriotic packaging should be allowed to obscure that.

Sources:
• Canadian Food Inspection Agency – Food Fraud
• New York Post – Canadian shoppers frustrated at confusing US food labels
• Business Insider – Canadian stores labeling American imports to warn consumers
• Barron’s – Canadian boycott of American goods

When the Bully Yells, He’s Losing: What Navarro’s Rhetoric Really Means for Canada

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When Peter Navarro, former White House trade adviser and Trump loyalist, publicly urged Canadians to pressure their government into “negotiating fairly” before U.S. tariffs hit on August 1, the message wasn’t strength, it was panic. Navarro’s over-the-top rhetoric, painting Canada as an obstinate, underpowered negotiator, is less about truth and more about fear. If the United States were truly in control of the trade talks, it wouldn’t need to bluster. It wouldn’t need to insult. And it certainly wouldn’t be begging Canadians to do its dirty work.

Let’s be clear: Canada is not on its knees. We’re not some brittle middle power gasping for access to American markets. We’re a G7 economy with sophisticated supply chains, deep global trade ties, and a well-earned reputation for playing the long game. When Washington starts lashing out with threats and playground-level taunts, it’s a sign we’ve landed a punch.

Navarro’s claim that Canada is being “very challenging” at the negotiating table is revealing. It means our team is doing its job. Canadian trade officials, seasoned, careful, and resolute, have held their ground in defense of fair access, environmental standards, and domestic protections. That makes the Americans nervous. And when Americans get nervous in a Trump-style administration, they yell louder, not smarter.

The proposed 35% tariffs, to be imposed on Canadian goods not covered by the USMCA, are intended as a hammer. But even a hammer needs a target that won’t hit back. And this time, Canada has alternatives: deepening trade with the EU and Asia-Pacific, strengthening regional innovation hubs, and leveraging our vast resources in climate-sensitive sectors that the U.S. increasingly needs but doesn’t yet control.

Navarro also made a critical tactical error. By calling on Canadian citizens to push back against their own government, he misunderstands our national character. Canadians don’t take kindly to being told what to do, especially not by foreign officials acting like economic schoolyard bullies. The effect will likely be the opposite: renewed support for Ottawa’s position and a strengthening of political will across party lines to resist being steamrolled.

Historically, Canada has negotiated from the shadows, careful to avoid open confrontation. But this isn’t 1987. Today’s Canada is assertive, strategically patient, and unafraid of outlasting American tantrums. Navarro’s comments, while aggressive on the surface, are deeply revealing underneath. They betray a U.S. trade team that’s frustrated, boxed in, and afraid of losing leverage.

So yes, when the U.S. starts yelling, Canada should listen, but not to obey. To smile, stand tall, and quietly note: we’ve got them worried.

Sources:
• Bloomberg Law, “Navarro Urges Canada to ‘Negotiate Fairly’ Before August Tariff Deadline,” July 11, 2025.
• AInvest, “Trump Announces 35% Tariff on Canadian Goods,” July 11, 2025.
• Government of Canada, Global Affairs briefings on trade diversification (2023–2025).

Canada Day 2025: We the Land, We the People, We the Future

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Each year, as summer settles across this vast country, Canada Day offers more than a pause to celebrate; it becomes a mirror. It reflects where we’ve been, how far we’ve come, and what still lies ahead. In 2025, that mirror shows a country in motion: humbled by hard truths, energized by change, and cautiously hopeful about its collective future.

Canada’s greatest strength has always been its people, more specifically, the way those people form communities, across difference, distance, and time. Whether it’s neighbourhoods organizing around mutual aid during crises, newcomers finding belonging through language and culture, or Indigenous and non-Indigenous Canadians working to build bridges of understanding, the story of Canada has always been about finding common cause in uncommon diversity.

A Country That Listens
The last decade has been a time of awakening. We have begun, in earnest, to face the truths long buried beneath the official narratives. The unmarked graves at residential school sites shook the conscience of the nation. The calls to action from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls have challenged us to move beyond apologies; to action, to justice, and to shared governance.

This year, as we mark Canada Day, many communities will fly the flag not just alongside fireworks, but beside Indigenous symbols and ceremonies. This is not tokenism, it is a recognition that Canada cannot be whole until its relationship with First Nations, Inuit, and Métis peoples is grounded in truth, respect, and partnership. We are not “including” Indigenous peoples in Canada. They are foundational to it. The land we gather on, from coast to coast to coast, has always been home to Indigenous Nations whose stewardship, governance, and wisdom predate Confederation by millennia.

Art by Mervin Windsor

Building Communities Worth Belonging To
Canada is changing, and so too is our idea of what belonging looks like. From the refugee who opens a bakery in a prairie town, to the queer teen finding affirmation in a Pride flag at city hall, to the elder reconnecting with their Anishinaabe language after decades of suppression, these are the quiet revolutions that define who we are becoming.

What binds us is not sameness, but a shared commitment to live well together. In our towns and cities, on reserves and in rural areas, Canadians are building communities that emphasize care, inclusion, and responsibility to one another. That might mean ensuring affordable housing, supporting local food systems, protecting public health care, or reimagining schools and services that honour different ways of knowing and being.

This is no small task in an era of global uncertainty, but across Canada, there is a growing understanding that prosperity isn’t measured solely in GDP, but in how well we support one another, and how wisely we care for the land we share.

A Collective Future Rooted in Respect
Canada Day is no longer a day of uncritical pride. It has become a space of reflection; of mourning, of gratitude, and of possibility. That shift is healthy. It shows maturity. It means we are ready to move past mythologies and start shaping a future based on partnership and mutual responsibility.

We must reject any vision of Canada that seeks to divide, exclude, or erase. Instead, we can choose a model of governance that is not merely tolerant, but collaborative. One where Indigenous laws sit alongside Canadian law, where treaties are living agreements, not dusty documents, and where decisions about land, water, and resources are made together, with full consent and shared benefit.

This is already happening. Across the North, in B.C., in the courts and in the communities, new models of co-governance are emerging. Indigenous youth are leading language revitalization and climate action. Urban reserves are revitalizing local economies. Land acknowledgements are being matched with land back initiatives. These are not threats to Canada, they are Canada’s best chance at becoming whole.

Choosing Hope
As we gather this Canada Day; on picnic blankets, around bonfires, in ceremonies, and in celebrations, let us remember that patriotism need not mean perfection. It can mean care. It can mean commitment. And it can mean an unwavering belief that we can do better – together.

The maple leaf is not just a symbol of peace and modesty. It’s a living thing, growing, branching, changing with the seasons. So too is this country.

Let us plant our feet not in nostalgia, but in the present. Let us honour the ancestors, Indigenous and settler alike, whose sacrifices shaped this land. Let us listen deeply to the truths we once ignored, and let us walk, side by side, into a future that is more just, more joyful, and more deeply rooted in shared respect.

Happy Canada Day – to the land, to the people, and to the promise of what we can build, together.

Why Canada’s Digital Services Tax Is Poking the Bear – And Why Australia and New Zealand Are Still Holding the Stick

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It was only a matter of time before Canada threw its toque into the ring on the global debate over taxing tech giants. After years of polite patience, Ottawa finally said enough is enough and committed to implementing a Digital Services Tax (DST), retroactively, no less, dating back to January 1, 2022. The goal? To make Big Tech pay its fair share for the billions they earn from Canadians’ online clicks, swipes, and searches. Predictably, this move hasn’t exactly gone down well south of the border, especially with Donald Trump, who’s already threatening retaliatory tariffs faster than you can say “Google it.”

Canada’s DST is a 3% levy on revenues from digital services; think online marketplaces, advertising platforms, and social media, that target Canadian users. The tax only kicks in for companies making over €750 million globally and more than $20 million in Canadian digital revenues. So, yes, this is about Amazon, Google, Meta, and Apple. Not your cousin’s Shopify side hustle.

The reasoning behind the move is, frankly, hard to argue with. For years, digital multinationals have made huge profits in countries where they have lots of users but no physical offices. Since our tax codes were written in the days of rotary phones, these companies have legally side-stepped corporate taxes in places like Canada while hoovering up data and ad dollars with industrial-grade efficiency. The DST is intended as a band-aid solution until a global fix comes together, though that band-aid is now being applied with an increasingly firm hand.

In truth, the global tide may finally be turning on Silicon Valley’s long, tax-free world tour. For over a decade, Big Tech has surfed a wave of international growth, scaling into nearly every market on Earth without paying local dues. Armed with sophisticated tax avoidance schemes, usually routed through Ireland or the Netherlands, the giants of the digital economy have profited handsomely while governments watched domestic retailers struggle to compete. But now, faced with growing public backlash and creaking public coffers, countries from France to India to Canada are drawing a line. The message is clear: if you make money off our citizens, you’re going to help fund the roads, schools, and social programs that keep them clicking.

The global fix in question is the OECD’s “Two-Pillar” solution, a diplomatic marathon attempting to modernize international tax rules. Pillar One aims to reallocate taxing rights to market countries (like Canada), while Pillar Two would establish a global minimum corporate tax of 15%. Canada has said it would delay DST collection if the OECD deal is implemented, but with the U.S. dragging its heels on ratification, Ottawa is preparing to go it alone.

That’s where Trump comes in. Never one to let a perceived slight slide, he’s treating Canada’s DST as a direct assault on U.S. interests. After all, the companies getting dinged are almost entirely American. Trump’s threats to slap retaliatory tariffs on Canadian exports are classic “America First” bluster, but they’re not without precedent. The U.S. already opened Section 301 investigations into several other countries’ DSTs, accusing them of unfairly targeting American firms. Biden’s administration cooled the rhetoric, but the sentiment remains.

Of course, Canada isn’t the only country to stick its neck out on this. France was the pioneer, pushing ahead with a 3% DST despite fierce U.S. pushback. Italy, Spain, and the UK followed suit. Even India got into the act with its “equalisation levy,” predating many Western attempts. Each of these nations, like Canada, grew tired of waiting for multilateral action while Silicon Valley giants dodged their tax nets with Olympic-level agility.

Interestingly, not everyone in the Anglosphere has been quite so bold. Take Australia. A few years back, it flirted with a DST, there were consultations, white papers, and worried glances toward Washington. But ultimately, Canberra decided to give the OECD process a shot and beefed up its anti-avoidance laws instead. Its Multinational Anti-Avoidance Law and Diverted Profits Tax now let the tax office go after digital firms that try to shuffle profits offshore. It’s the equivalent of hiring a tough new accountant rather than inventing a new tax altogether.

New Zealand, meanwhile, has taken a “just in case” approach. Legislation for a 3% DST was passed in 2023, but it’s sitting in a drawer for now, ready to go if the OECD talks collapse. The Kiwis have been clear they don’t want to pull the trigger unless absolutely necessary, probably because they’d prefer not to find themselves on the receiving end of a tweetstorm or tariff tantrum from the next American administration.

So here we are: Canada, gloves off and calculator in hand, is forging ahead, determined to claw back a fair share from the tech titans. Australia and New Zealand, pragmatic as ever, are hedging their bets and keeping trade relationships intact, at least for now. But even their patience has limits. The longer the OECD deal stalls, the more tempting it becomes to follow Canada’s lead.

In the end, this is a fight not about code or commerce, but about fairness in the digital age. The world’s tax systems were built for an era of railroads and oil refineries, not cloud storage and influencer revenue. Until the global rules catch up, expect more countries to test their own digital tax solutions. Whether that means poking the American bear or just poking around in policy drawers remains to be seen. But one thing’s certain: tech giants might finally be running out of places to hide.

By-Elections Signal Alberta’s Political Crossroads

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The results of Alberta’s three provincial by-elections on June 23, 2025, offer more than simple electoral bookkeeping, they reflect shifting political winds across urban and rural divides, growing challenges for the governing United Conservative Party (UCP), and the solidifying leadership of Alberta NDP Leader Naheed Nenshi. While each race had its own dynamics, taken together, they sketch the early contours of the province’s next political chapter.

In Edmonton-Strathcona, Naheed Nenshi secured a commanding victory, winning approximately 82% of the vote. This was no surprise, Strathcona has long been an NDP stronghold, but the size of the margin reaffirmed Nenshi’s appeal among urban progressives. More importantly, it granted the former Calgary mayor a seat in the legislature, allowing him to move from campaign trail rhetoric to legislative combat. For the NDP, this is a strategic milestone. Having a leader with Nenshi’s profile and cross-city recognition seated in the Assembly provides the party with both visibility and gravitas as it prepares to challenge Danielle Smith’s UCP in the next general election.

Meanwhile, Edmonton-Ellerslie delivered a more muted result for the NDP. While Gurtej Singh Brar held the seat for the party, the margin narrowed noticeably compared to previous elections. The UCP candidate, Naresh Bhardwaj, ran a stronger-than-expected campaign, capturing a significant share of the vote. This tightening suggests that even in NDP-leaning urban ridings, voter allegiance cannot be taken for granted. It also indicates that the UCP’s message still resonates with parts of the city’s electorate, particularly among working-class and immigrant communities whose support is increasingly contested territory.

The race in Olds-Didsbury-Three Hills played out very differently. As expected, the UCP retained this rural seat, with Tara Sawyer taking over from long-time MLA Nathan Cooper. However, the UCP’s vote share dropped markedly from the 75% it earned in the 2023 general election to around 61%. More striking was the performance of the Republican Party of Alberta (RPA), whose candidate Cameron Davies captured nearly 20% of the vote. The NDP surprisingly edged out the RPA for second place, though rural Alberta remains largely out of reach for them. The RPA’s strong showing, however, is cause for concern within the UCP’s rural flank. Separatist and hard-right discontent, once marginal, is becoming a disruptive force capable of peeling away conservative votes.

Together, these results underline a growing polarization in Alberta politics. The urban-rural split is hardening, with Edmonton increasingly dominated by the NDP and rural ridings remaining UCP strongholds, though now with visible fractures. The UCP retains power, but the by-elections exposed soft spots, especially in its ability to hold urban constituencies and suppress internal dissent from the right. Nenshi’s formal arrival in the legislature sets the stage for a more dynamic opposition, with a leader who brings both charisma and executive experience. His challenge now will be expanding the NDP’s base beyond its urban comfort zone while navigating the complex economic and cultural anxieties shaping Alberta’s electorate.

The by-elections may not have changed the balance of power in the legislature, but they altered the strategic terrain. What was once a contest between entrenched camps now feels more fluid, volatile, and competitive. That should make both major parties pause, and prepare.

Sources
CTV News Edmonton: https://www.ctvnews.ca/edmonton/article/alberta-ndp-leader-nenshi-wins-seat-in-one-of-three-byelections
The Albertan: https://www.thealbertan.com/olds-news/tara-sawyer-wins-olds-didsbury-three-hills-byelection-10853458
The Hub: https://thehub.ca/2025/06/24/a-win-a-warning-and-a-wobble-in-albertas-byelection-results