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New York Awakens: The Rise of Mamdani and a Progressive Shift

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Zohran Mamdani’s victory in the Democratic primary for New York City mayor represents a seismic shift in the city’s political landscape, one that carries reverberations far beyond municipal governance. At just 33 years old, the Queens-born state assemblyman and self-described democratic socialist toppled former Governor Andrew Cuomo, the establishment favorite, signaling a generational and ideological realignment within the Democratic Party. 

Grassroots Power vs. Establishment Legacy
Cuomo entered the race with formidable credentials: a deep political network, endorsements from figures like Bill Clinton and Michael Bloomberg, and at least $25 million in Super PAC funding. Yet, despite this financial and institutional advantage, his campaign floundered. Critics pointed to a lackluster message, lingering baggage from his 2021 resignation amid sexual harassment allegations, and a scared reluctance to engage broader audiences.

In contrast, Mamdani surged from near anonymity (0–1% in early polling) to command 43.5% of first-choice votes on primary night, an astonishing ascent driven by a youth-led, grassroots coalition. Supported by endorsements from Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio‑Cortez, his campaign tapped into the deep well of dissatisfaction over rising housing costs, stagnant wages, and a city increasingly and wildly unaffordable.

Policy Vision: Progressive Ambition or Overreach?
Mamdani’s policy platform, ambitious in scope, centers on affordability and public service transformation. Proposals include a rent freeze for stabilized units, fare-free buses, universal childcare, and municipal grocery stores, all paid for through new taxes on corporations and high-income earners. 

While appealing to a generation struggling with inflation and economic precarity, these ideas have drawn scrutiny over execution feasibility, budget implications, and economic impact.  Wall Street and real estate interests have voiced concern, warning of tax burdens and regulatory uncertainty. 

The Ranked-Choice Factor and Cross-Endorsements
New York’s ranked-choice voting system played a decisive role. Mamdani strategically formed cross-endorsements, most notably with Brad Lander, who garnered around 11% of the vote, to position himself as a second-choice favorite. Analysts widely agree this will likely cement his victory once second-round, and later votes are redistributed. 

Navigating Controversy: Israel, Palestine, and Identity
Despite the momentum, Mamdani’s campaign has not been immune to controversy. His outspoken criticisms of Israeli policies, including references to the “globalization of the Intifada” and support for Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) a Palestinian-led movement for freedom, justice and equality, have drawn accusations of antisemitism, particularly in a city with one of the largest Jewish populations outside Israel. He has sought to clarify his statements, asserting his opposition to hate and his commitment to civil rights. The controversy may crystallize how future general election opponents choose to attack, while also spotlighting internal tensions within urban progressive politics.

Cuomo’s Concession, so What Comes Next? 
On primary night, Cuomo recognized that the narrow path to victory was irrevocably closed, conceding to Mamdani, and acknowledging the campaign’s resonance with younger voters. Notably, he left open the possibility of running in the general election on an independent ballot line, a move that could fracture the Democratic vote and complicate the race.

The Broader Implications for the Democratic Party
Mamdani’s emergence marks a broader ideological turning point within the Democratic Party. It highlights the growing influence of progressive, youth-driven politics willing to challenge entrenched power. His candidacy echoes similar movements in other U.S. cities where left-leaning candidates have flipped local offices, redefining policy scopes on housing, climate, social services, and racial justice. 

For Democrats nationally, New York is a critical test case: can a bold progressive agenda resonate with urban voters in a general election? And can party unity be maintained while platform demands intensify?

November Showdown: A Crowded Field
If Mamdani completes the nomination, he heads into a three‑way fall election against the independent incumbent Eric Adams, whose legal troubles and declining approval ratings have damaged his standing, and Republican Curtis Sliwa. The contest’s contours are stark: progressive change vs status quo, left coalition vs fractured moderate support, and a referendum on policy versus personality.

A Turning Point in Urban Governance
The Democratic primary in New York City was more than a local race, it was a referendum on the future direction of American progressive politics. Mamdani’s success, powered by grassroots strategy, ranked-choice prowess, and a sweeping vision for economic justice, exposes the vulnerabilities of establishment politics and signals a generational handoff within the party. As ranked ballots are fully tallied, and the fight shifts to November, New Yorkers and national observers will be watching closely. Is this the beginning of a progressive resurgence, or a fleeting moment in a cyclical political saga?

By-Elections Signal Alberta’s Political Crossroads

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The results of Alberta’s three provincial by-elections on June 23, 2025, offer more than simple electoral bookkeeping, they reflect shifting political winds across urban and rural divides, growing challenges for the governing United Conservative Party (UCP), and the solidifying leadership of Alberta NDP Leader Naheed Nenshi. While each race had its own dynamics, taken together, they sketch the early contours of the province’s next political chapter.

In Edmonton-Strathcona, Naheed Nenshi secured a commanding victory, winning approximately 82% of the vote. This was no surprise, Strathcona has long been an NDP stronghold, but the size of the margin reaffirmed Nenshi’s appeal among urban progressives. More importantly, it granted the former Calgary mayor a seat in the legislature, allowing him to move from campaign trail rhetoric to legislative combat. For the NDP, this is a strategic milestone. Having a leader with Nenshi’s profile and cross-city recognition seated in the Assembly provides the party with both visibility and gravitas as it prepares to challenge Danielle Smith’s UCP in the next general election.

Meanwhile, Edmonton-Ellerslie delivered a more muted result for the NDP. While Gurtej Singh Brar held the seat for the party, the margin narrowed noticeably compared to previous elections. The UCP candidate, Naresh Bhardwaj, ran a stronger-than-expected campaign, capturing a significant share of the vote. This tightening suggests that even in NDP-leaning urban ridings, voter allegiance cannot be taken for granted. It also indicates that the UCP’s message still resonates with parts of the city’s electorate, particularly among working-class and immigrant communities whose support is increasingly contested territory.

The race in Olds-Didsbury-Three Hills played out very differently. As expected, the UCP retained this rural seat, with Tara Sawyer taking over from long-time MLA Nathan Cooper. However, the UCP’s vote share dropped markedly from the 75% it earned in the 2023 general election to around 61%. More striking was the performance of the Republican Party of Alberta (RPA), whose candidate Cameron Davies captured nearly 20% of the vote. The NDP surprisingly edged out the RPA for second place, though rural Alberta remains largely out of reach for them. The RPA’s strong showing, however, is cause for concern within the UCP’s rural flank. Separatist and hard-right discontent, once marginal, is becoming a disruptive force capable of peeling away conservative votes.

Together, these results underline a growing polarization in Alberta politics. The urban-rural split is hardening, with Edmonton increasingly dominated by the NDP and rural ridings remaining UCP strongholds, though now with visible fractures. The UCP retains power, but the by-elections exposed soft spots, especially in its ability to hold urban constituencies and suppress internal dissent from the right. Nenshi’s formal arrival in the legislature sets the stage for a more dynamic opposition, with a leader who brings both charisma and executive experience. His challenge now will be expanding the NDP’s base beyond its urban comfort zone while navigating the complex economic and cultural anxieties shaping Alberta’s electorate.

The by-elections may not have changed the balance of power in the legislature, but they altered the strategic terrain. What was once a contest between entrenched camps now feels more fluid, volatile, and competitive. That should make both major parties pause, and prepare.

Sources
CTV News Edmonton: https://www.ctvnews.ca/edmonton/article/alberta-ndp-leader-nenshi-wins-seat-in-one-of-three-byelections
The Albertan: https://www.thealbertan.com/olds-news/tara-sawyer-wins-olds-didsbury-three-hills-byelection-10853458
The Hub: https://thehub.ca/2025/06/24/a-win-a-warning-and-a-wobble-in-albertas-byelection-results

Backroom Ontario: How the Ford Government Governs in the Shadows

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The Ford government’s recent actions paint a troubling portrait of a leadership increasingly comfortable with obfuscation, procedural shortcuts, and performative consultation. Across multiple files, from environmental policy to Indigenous relations, Queen’s Park has displayed a consistent pattern of backhanded governance, marked by secrecy, evasion, and a disregard for both democratic norms and legal obligations.

The Greenbelt scandal exemplifies this tendency in sharp relief. Ontario’s Information and Privacy Commissioner recently condemned the Ford government for deliberately making it difficult to track internal decision-making on land development. Staff used code words such as “GB,” “special project,” and most egregiously, “G*” in email subject lines, deliberately sabotaging searchability within the government’s own filing systems. Coupled with the use of private email accounts and a notable absence of meeting minutes or documentation, the evidence suggests not mere carelessness, but a concerted effort to obscure deliberations over one of the province’s most politically explosive issues.

This level of secrecy isn’t just bureaucratic mismanagement, it’s political damage control in real time. The government’s reversal of Greenbelt development plans did little to reassure the public, especially in the absence of any credible explanation or documentation as to how those decisions were made in the first place. When even watchdogs with statutory authority can’t access the paper trail, public accountability becomes a hollow phrase.

Meanwhile, Bill 5, part of the so-called “Unleashing the Economy Act”, reveals an equally unsettling willingness to bypass consultation and oversight in the name of economic development. This omnibus legislation fast-tracks industrial and mining projects across northern Ontario, including the ecologically sensitive Ring of Fire region, by reducing or eliminating requirements for municipal and environmental approvals. Most critically, it sidelines the constitutional duty to consult Indigenous communities.

First Nations leaders, particularly in Treaty 9 territory, were quick to denounce the bill. Chiefs burned environmental documents in protest and staged rallies in Thunder Bay, accusing the province of engaging in “consultation theatre”, informing communities of decisions only after they were made. Even a last-minute amendment to include optional post-passage consultations did little to mollify concerns. The government’s approach sends a clear message: consultation is something to be endured, not engaged.

What ties the Greenbelt and Bill 5 controversies together is not just their shared disregard for transparency and inclusion, but the mechanisms used to enforce that disregard. Whether through technical manipulation of record-keeping systems, suppression of documentation, or legislative sleight-of-hand, the government repeatedly avoids open debate and sidesteps legal and ethical responsibilities. It’s a governance style rooted in control, not collaboration.

These are not isolated incidents. The Ford administration has shown a consistent pattern of centralizing power through Minister’s Zoning Orders (MZOs), a tool meant for rare and urgent cases. Since 2019, the Premier has issued MZOs at an unprecedented rate, frequently overriding municipal decisions, and benefiting well-connected developers. Auditor General reports have raised red flags, and opposition parties have warned that such orders erode local democracy and set dangerous precedents. Still, the pattern continues, unimpeded.

Other examples confirm the trend. In 2018, the Ford government launched a controversial “snitch line” encouraging parents to report teachers who used an updated sex-ed curriculum, a move widely condemned as punitive and authoritarian. In 2019, sudden changes to autism services blindsided thousands of families, leading to mass protests and eventual policy reversals. Yet, even in those reversals, the government refused to acknowledge fault, framing retreats as “adjustments” rather than admissions of flawed policy-making.

This is politics by backchannel, a deliberate erosion of democratic norms dressed in the language of efficiency. Public engagement is reduced to afterthought; opposition voices are ignored or demonized; and when watchdogs raise the alarm, they are met with silence or spin. In each case, the common denominator is the Ford government’s willingness to weaponize the machinery of governance against transparency.

The implications are serious. Trust in institutions erodes when those in power show contempt for the very mechanisms designed to hold them accountable. The duty to consult Indigenous communities is not an optional courtesy, it is a constitutional requirement. Environmental stewardship and municipal autonomy are not bureaucratic hurdles, they are democratic protections. To dismiss them is not just arrogant, but reckless.

Unless reined in, this mode of governance threatens to become normalized. The lesson emerging from Queen’s Park is clear: when political expedience trumps process, communities lose their voice, environmental safeguards are gutted, and Indigenous sovereignty is sidelined. This should alarm all Ontarians, regardless of political stripe.

The Ford government’s backhanded approach may win short-term headlines or developer applause, but the long-term costs, to transparency, legitimacy, and public trust, are steep. If Ontario is to retain even the appearance of responsible government, it must reject this cynical model and restore meaningful consultation, clear record-keeping, and respect for constitutional obligations as non-negotiable principles of provincial governance. Anything less is a betrayal of public service.

Albertans Choose Stability Over Separation: What the Pension Rejection Really Means

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When the Alberta government finally released the long-awaited results of a commissioned survey on the Alberta Pension Plan (APP), the findings spoke volumes. Nearly two-thirds of Albertans (63%), rejected the idea of replacing the Canada Pension Plan with a provincial version. The number supporting an APP? Just 10%. That’s not just a policy rejection; it’s a political reality check.

For all the heated rhetoric around Alberta’s place in Confederation, this result reinforces what many longtime observers have suspected: Albertans may be frustrated, but they’re not fools. They know a good thing when they see it, and the CPP, with its portability, investment scale, and intergenerational reliability, is exactly that. The pensions issue cuts across partisan lines and ideological bluster. It’s not about Trudeau or equalization. It’s about people’s futures, and the people have spoken.

What’s more striking is how this undercuts the oxygen feeding Alberta separatism. The idea of a provincial pension plan was floated not just as fiscal policy, but as a marker of provincial autonomy, even sovereignty. It was pitched as a way to “keep Alberta’s money in Alberta.” Yet, when the chips were down, Albertans didn’t bite. The same population that occasionally flirts with separation talk has no appetite for tearing up foundational institutions like the CPP.

Even Premier Danielle Smith, no stranger to courting Alberta-first narratives, quickly distanced herself from the APP following the release of the data. There’s no referendum planned, no legislative push, just a quiet shelving of an unpopular idea. It’s a clear sign that even among the UCP leadership, there’s recognition that the political capital required to pursue this agenda simply doesn’t exist.

The APP result also aligns with a broader trend we’re seeing in regional sentiment polling. Despite pockets of separatist energy, especially in reaction to federal climate policy, most Albertans prefer reform within Canada to rupture. A recent Angus Reid survey found that only 19% of Albertans would “definitely” vote to leave Canada, while three-quarters believed a referendum would fail. The rhetoric is louder than the resolve.

This doesn’t mean western alienation is a myth. Far from it. Economic frustrations, federal-provincial disputes, and the sense of being politically outvoted still resonate deeply in Alberta. But the reaction isn’t revolution, it’s recalibration. What Albertans appear to want is a stronger voice in a better Canada, not a lonely march toward the exits.

There’s a deeper lesson here, too. Identity politics and economic nationalism may be good for stirring the base, but when policies collide with kitchen-table concerns, like pensions, voters choose the pragmatic over the symbolic. Separatism, in Alberta’s case, has become less of a movement and more of a mood. And moods change when the numbers hit home.

At its core, the rejection of the APP is a reaffirmation of Canadian federalism. Not the perfect, polished version dreamed of in civics classes, but the messy, functional, deeply embedded version that shows up in every paycheque and retirement plan. That version still has teeth. And Albertans, whatever else they may say about Ottawa, just voted to keep it.

Israel’s Nuclear Arsenal: The Open Secret of the Middle East

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For decades, Israel has maintained an official policy of “nuclear ambiguity”, neither confirming nor denying its possession of nuclear weapons. Yet this studied silence stands in stark contrast to a substantial body of verifiable evidence, much of it sourced from credible whistle-blowers, declassified intelligence, military analysis, and satellite data. In practice, the Israeli nuclear arsenal has become one of the worst-kept secrets in international security. The absence of formal acknowledgment is strategic, not evidentiary. Israel’s nuclear capability is both real and operational, undergirded by a robust triad of delivery systems and supported by a long history of secrecy, scientific sophistication, and political calculation.

The story begins with the Dimona nuclear reactor in the Negev Desert, built in the late 1950s with clandestine French assistance. Officially described as a textile plant, it was in fact a plutonium production facility. By the mid-1960s, U.S. intelligence had concluded that Israel possessed the technical capability to produce nuclear weapons. In 1969, after a series of secret meetings, the United States and Israel reached a tacit agreement: Israel would not publicly test or declare its nuclear weapons, and the U.S. would cease pressuring it to sign the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). This diplomatic fiction has endured for over fifty years.

However, the most damning evidence came in 1986, when Mordechai Vanunu, a former technician at Dimona, provided The Sunday Times with detailed photographs and descriptions of Israel’s nuclear warheads. Vanunu claimed Israel had produced enough weapons-grade plutonium for over 200 nuclear devices, including thermonuclear warheads, statements later corroborated by Western intelligence assessments. Vanunu’s disclosures confirmed what many had suspected: that Israel was not merely in possession of a handful of crude bombs but had developed a sophisticated and sizeable arsenal.

Independent experts such as the Federation of American Scientists (FAS) and the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) have consistently estimated that Israel holds between 90 and 400 nuclear warheads. These are believed to be deployable through a triad of systems: land-based ballistic missiles, air-delivered bombs, and submarine-launched cruise missiles. The Jericho III, a long-range intercontinental ballistic missile, is believed to have a range of up to 6,500 kilometers, potentially extending to 11,500 kilometers depending on payload. These missiles are housed in hardened silos, well-concealed and dispersed for survivability. Additionally, Israel’s fleet of Dolphin-class submarines, purchased from Germany and believed to be modified to launch nuclear-capable Popeye Turbo cruise missiles, offers a potent second-strike capability.

The Israeli Air Force also plays a central role in the country’s nuclear deterrence. Modified F-15I and F-16I aircraft are capable of carrying nuclear payloads, further broadening the strategic options available to decision-makers in Tel Aviv. The ability to deliver nuclear weapons from sea, air, and land ensures that Israel retains a survivable deterrent, reinforcing the credibility of its nuclear posture even in the event of a first strike by an adversary.

Israel’s refusal to sign the NPT or to subject its nuclear facilities to International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards further confirms its unique position in the global nuclear order. While this policy isolates Israel diplomatically in certain forums, it has not resulted in significant punitive measures, due in large part to its close alliance with the United States and the widespread, if unspoken, acceptance of its strategic rationale. From the perspective of Israeli leadership, nuclear weapons serve as the ultimate insurance policy against existential threats in a region fraught with hostility and volatility.

From time to time, Israeli political and military leaders have let the mask slip. Former Prime Minister Ehud Barak acknowledged the existence of the arsenal in indirect but unmistakable terms. Other officials have alluded to it in speeches or interviews, especially when referring to red lines for Iran or Israel’s qualitative military edge. These statements are often quickly walked back or couched in hypothetical language, but the implications are unmistakable.

Perhaps the most compelling argument for Israel’s nuclear capability is the simple fact that no serious analyst or international observer denies it. The international community, especially the intelligence and military establishments of major powers, operates on the assumption that Israel is a nuclear-armed state. Its capabilities, though untested in public, are viewed as credible and strategically integrated. The lack of open testing has not diminished deterrence; rather, the veil of ambiguity enhances it, allowing Israel to maintain strategic deterrence without the diplomatic fallout of formal admission.

The accumulated evidence of Israel’s nuclear weapons program is overwhelming and irrefutable. The country’s longstanding policy of ambiguity may serve its diplomatic and strategic interests, but it does not conceal the reality of its capabilities. With a mature triad, hundreds of warheads, and decades of operational readiness, Israel stands as a de facto nuclear power in a region where deterrence often serves as the only firewall against catastrophe.

Sources
• Wired, “Israel’s Secret Nuke Arsenal Exposed”, October 5, 2011: https://www.wired.com/2011/10/1005israel-secret-nuclear-arsenal-exposed
• Federation of American Scientists (https://fas.org)
• Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (https://sipri.org)
• Nuclear Threat Initiative (https://nti.org)
• The Sunday Times archive on Mordechai Vanunu (1986)
• GlobalSecurity.org and IISS assessments of Jericho III and Dolphin-class platforms
• U.S. Congressional Research Service Reports on Middle East security and nuclear proliferation

OC Transpo: A Two-Decade Decline in Rider-Centric Service

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As a long-time Ottawa resident and observer of our city’s public utilities, I’ve witnessed firsthand the transformation of OC Transpo from a model of efficient public transit to a system riddled with challenges. Over the past two decades, a series of missteps, underinvestment, and a departure from rider-focused planning have led to a decline in service quality, reliability, and public trust.

From Transitway Triumph to LRT Troubles
In the 1980s, Ottawa’s Transitway was lauded as a pioneering bus rapid transit system, setting a benchmark for cities worldwide. Its dedicated bus lanes and efficient service made public transit a viable option for many residents. However, the shift towards the Light Rail Transit (LRT) system, particularly the Confederation Line, marked the beginning of a tumultuous era. 

Launched in 2019, the Confederation Line was plagued with issues from the outset. Frequent service disruptions due to door malfunctions, electrical failures, and even derailments became commonplace. These problems not only inconvenienced riders but also necessitated the reallocation of buses to cover LRT routes, further straining the bus network .

Service Cuts and Declining Reliability
In recent years, OC Transpo has implemented significant service reductions, often without adequate public consultation. For instance, in 2021, the agency planned service cuts without seeking rider input, leading to widespread criticism . By 2024, the city had cut $47 million from OC Transpo’s capital budget, removing 117 aging buses without replacements, resulting in a 3.5% reduction in bus service hours . 

These cuts have had tangible impacts on riders. Students, for example, have reported overcrowded trains, erratic service, and high fares, leading to dissatisfaction and calls for meaningful reforms . Community feedback has consistently highlighted issues with reliability and a lack of focus on the city core .   

Financial Strains and Leadership Challenges
The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated OC Transpo’s challenges. A 38% drop in ridership since 2019 led to a $36 million revenue shortfall . Despite these financial strains, the agency increased fares in 2024, disproportionately affecting seniors and youth riders .  

Leadership changes have also marked this period. The recent departure of General Manager Renée Amilcar underscores the need for a strategic reevaluation of OC Transpo’s direction. Transit advocates have called for a “serious, honest” review of the system to address its myriad issues . 

A Call for a Rider-Centric Vision
To restore public trust and improve service quality, OC Transpo must adopt a rider-centric approach. This includes engaging with the community to understand diverse transit needs, investing in infrastructure to ensure reliability, and providing transparent communication about service changes. Equitable access must be prioritized, ensuring that transit services are affordable and accessible for all demographics.

The challenges facing OC Transpo are significant, but not insurmountable. By focusing on the needs of riders and committing to transparency and accountability, Ottawa can rebuild a public transportation system that serves its citizens effectively and efficiently.

Mr. Carney, Let’s Be Bold and Smart: A Revenue-Neutral Universal Basic Income Is Within Reach

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The election of Mark Carney as Canada’s new Prime Minister marks more than a changing of the guard, it signals a chance to transform how we think about economic justice, social policy, and the role of government in a post-pandemic, post-carbon, AI-disrupted world. Yet, if this new Liberal administration wants to do more than manage decline or tinker at the edges, it must champion Universal Basic Income (UBI), and it must do so within this first term.

To skeptics, the usual pushback is cost. “We can’t afford it.” But what if I told you we can, without adding a cent to the deficit?

A bold, revenue-neutral UBI is not only possible, it’s the smart, responsible, and forward-thinking choice. It would simplify our bloated patchwork of social programs, reduce inequality, and stabilize the economy, all while respecting fiscal realities. Carney, with his reputation for monetary prudence and social conscience, is uniquely positioned to make this happen.

The Case for UBI, Now More Than Ever
We live in precarious times. AI and automation are displacing jobs once thought secure. The gig economy has redefined work for an entire generation, offering flexibility but no stability. Climate change is reshaping our industries, economies, and communities. And regional inequalities, from rural depopulation to urban housing crises, are deepening social division.

UBI provides a powerful, simple solution: a no-strings-attached income that ensures every Canadian can meet their basic needs, make real choices, and live with dignity. No complex eligibility criteria. No stigma. Just a stable foundation for all.

This isn’t a call for endless spending. This is a plan for smart reinvestment, one that replaces outdated, fragmented systems with a coherent, efficient, and humane approach.

Revenue-Neutral UBI: A Practical Path
The key to political and economic viability is fiscal neutrality. Here’s how we get there:

Streamline the Social Safety Net
Our current welfare architecture is costly, overlapping, and often punitive. We propose replacing core income support programs, provincial social assistance, EI for low-wage workers, and a range of targeted income-tested tax credits, with a single, universal UBI. This simplification reduces administrative duplication and restores dignity to recipients.

Rethink OAS and GIS
These seniors’ programs already operate as a basic income for the elderly. By integrating them into a universal model, with UBI replacing these benefits for most, but supplemented by needs-based top-ups for seniors with unique medical or housing costs, we ensure fairness without duplication.

Restructure (Not Eliminate) CPP
CPP remains essential as a pension earned through contribution, but some recalibration of contribution thresholds and benefit tiers, alongside UBI, can reduce reliance on inflated public pensions to cover basic needs, while preserving the contributory principle.

Modest, Targeted Tax Reform
To close the revenue loop, introduce a small surtax (e.g., 2%) on individual incomes over $150,000, and slightly increase capital gains inclusion rates. These are not radical measures, they simply ask the wealthiest Canadians to help ensure every citizen has a secure foundation. For 95% of taxpayers, no increase would be necessary.

Numerous economic models (including work by Evelyn Forget, UBC’s Kevin Milligan, and CCPA researchers) show that a well-designed UBI can be nearly or entirely self-funding when paired with smart policy adjustments like these.

Political Opportunity and Liberal Legacy
Prime Minister Carney doesn’t need to look far for historical inspiration. Universal healthcare, bilingualism, the Charter, these were all ambitious Liberal achievements once considered politically risky and fiscally daunting, yet they reshaped Canada.

UBI can be his legacy. It would resonate across voter blocs: rural Canadians seeking stability, urban millennials burdened by debt and housing costs, women and caregivers locked out of full-time work, and gig workers with no safety net. It’s a unifying policy in a fragmented nation.

Moreover, by leading with a revenue-neutral model, Carney can neutralize opposition from deficit hawks and centrists, while winning support from social democrats, Indigenous leaders, environmentalists, and the entrepreneurial class alike.

A Step-by-Step Roadmap

  • Launch a National UBI Task Force in the first 100 days, chaired by experts in economics, social policy, and Indigenous governance.
  • Table a UBI White Paper by the end of Year 1, outlining fiscal models, legal changes, and implementation scenarios.
  • Pilot the program in a representative region (e.g., Northern Ontario, Atlantic Canada, or an urban-rural mix) with independent evaluation.
  • Introduce legislation in Year 3, with phased implementation beginning before the 2029 election.

This is not pie-in-the-sky. This is responsible governance meeting bold vision.

The Values We Must Uphold
UBI is about more than money, it’s about modernizing our social contract. It says to every Canadian: you matter. You are not a cost, a case file, or a problem to manage. You are a citizen with rights, worth, and potential.

Mr. Carney, you’ve spoken eloquently about “values-based capitalism” and “inclusive transitions.” UBI is the policy vehicle that delivers on those values. And by designing it to be fiscally neutral, you can bring the skeptics along without compromising ambition.

Now is the time to lead not just with caution, but with courage. We can afford Universal Basic Income, not in spite of economic constraints, but because of them.

Let’s stop managing poverty. Let’s start guaranteeing security. Let’s build a Canada where no one is left behind.

Policing the Halls: Why Officers Don’t Belong in Ontario Schools

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The integration of police officers into Ontario schools, primarily through School Resource Officer (SRO) programs, has been a contentious issue for decades. Initially introduced in the early 1990s, these programs aimed to foster positive relationships between students and law enforcement, deter criminal behavior, and enhance school safety. Over time, however, concerns about their effectiveness and impact on marginalized communities have led to widespread reevaluation and, in many cases, the termination of such programs.

One of the most comprehensive evaluations of an SRO program in Ontario was conducted by Carleton University, focusing on Peel Region’s initiative. The study reported several benefits, including reduced crime and bullying, improved mental health among students, and a significant return on investment, estimating $11.13 in social and economic benefits for every dollar spent. Notably, students who had experienced bullying or violence reported feeling significantly safer after five months of the program. School staff also benefited, spending less time on disciplinary matters due to the support of SROs.  

Despite these findings, the presence of police in schools has faced mounting criticism. Critics argue that SRO programs disproportionately affect racialized and marginalized students, contributing to a school-to-prison pipeline. For instance, the Toronto District School Board (TDSB) implemented its SRO program in 2008, but terminated it in 2017 after a review revealed that some students felt intimidated by the presence of officers, particularly Black students who expressed fear related to armed officers in schools.    

Similarly, the Peel District School Board ended its SRO program in 2020, acknowledging that it had a negative impact on segments of the student population and citing concerns about systemic racism and the disproportionately punitive effects of such programming.  The Ottawa-Carleton District School Board followed suit in 2021, with trustees voting to end participation in the SRO program and issuing a formal apology for any harm experienced by students or community members.   

The Ontario Human Rights Commission (OHRC) has also weighed in, emphasizing the need to consider terminating SRO programs in light of existing research and meaningful community consultation. The OHRC highlighted that while some students may feel safer with police presence, others, particularly those from marginalized communities, may feel unsafe or targeted, which can negatively impact their educational experience.  

Given this historical context, reintroducing police into Ontario schools raises significant concerns. While studies like the one conducted in Peel Region suggest potential benefits, they often fail to adequately address the experiences of marginalized students who may feel alienated or criminalized by police presence. The risk of exacerbating systemic inequalities and undermining the educational environment for these students outweighs the purported advantages. 

Instead of reinstating SRO programs, resources should be allocated to initiatives that promote equity and inclusivity within schools. This includes investing in mental health services, hiring more guidance counselors, and implementing restorative justice practices that address behavioral issues without resorting to punitive measures. By focusing on these alternatives, Ontario can create a safer and more supportive educational environment for all students, particularly those who have historically been marginalized. 

While the intention behind placing police officers in schools may be to enhance safety and build community relations, the evidence suggests that such programs can have detrimental effects on marginalized student populations. Ontario’s educational institutions should prioritize inclusive and supportive measures that address the root causes of behavioral issues without contributing to systemic disparities.

A Strategic and Moral Reckoning: The UK-Mauritius Agreement on the Chagos Islands

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In a rare moment of geopolitical clarity and moral courage, the United Kingdom has agreed to transfer sovereignty of the Chagos Islands to Mauritius while securing a 99-year lease on Diego Garcia, the region’s pivotal military base. The agreement, unveiled by Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s government, is both a forward-looking strategic arrangement and a long-overdue act of historical redress.

At the heart of the deal is a pragmatic security arrangement: the UK will retain uninterrupted access to Diego Garcia, which hosts vital joint operations with the United States. In return, it will pay £101 million annually to Mauritius. This ensures that Britain continues to anchor its defence capabilities in the Indo-Pacific; a region where rival powers like China, Russia, and Iran are rapidly expanding their influence.

From a fiscal standpoint, the agreement is well within reason. Defence Secretary John Healey rightly pointed out that the annual lease cost is comparable to operating a single aircraft carrier. In fact, the payment constitutes just 0.15% of the UK’s £67.7 billion annual defence budget—a fraction of the cost for maintaining global readiness and a meaningful presence in one of the world’s most strategically significant regions. For a modest financial outlay, the UK preserves its operational edge, cements a critical alliance with the US, and reinforces its relevance in global affairs.

Yet the agreement is more than a security calculation. It also addresses one of Britain’s most painful colonial legacies. In 1965, the UK controversially separated the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius, evicted the native Chagossians, and facilitated the construction of the Diego Garcia military base. These actions, condemned by the International Court of Justice and the UN General Assembly, have weighed heavily on the UK’s international standing.

The return of sovereignty to Mauritius is therefore a landmark act of accountability. It signals that Britain is willing to engage honestly with its imperial past, even when doing so involves diplomatic and political complexity. This is a step not just toward reconciliation with Mauritius, but also toward reasserting the UK’s commitment to international law and human rights.

Still, the success of this agreement must be judged not only by its geopolitical merit, but also by how it serves the people most affected: the Chagossians. The agreement allows Mauritius to implement a resettlement plan across the archipelago, excluding Diego Garcia. While this represents progress, it does not fully resolve the aspirations of Chagossians who long to return to their ancestral home.

As Bernadette Dugasse, a displaced Chagossian, movingly put it: “I don’t belong in the UK, I don’t belong in Mauritius, I don’t belong in the Seychelles. I belong in Diego Garcia.” These voices must not be sidelined. It is imperative that the UK and Mauritius ensure that Chagossians are not only consulted but empowered in shaping the future of the islands.

This deal is a model of how a former colonial power can act responsibly in today’s world, by marrying strategic foresight with moral responsibility. Britain has taken a step forward, not just in securing its defence, but in doing justice. Now, it must ensure that the Chagossian people are treated with the dignity they have long been denied.

Can Food Belts Enhance Ontario’s Food Security Future?

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Ontario is facing an escalating food security crisis, with food banks reporting unprecedented demand and rural communities increasingly unable to afford basic nutrition. In response, a new policy proposal is gaining traction among local leaders and agricultural advocates: the creation of provincially designated “food belts” to permanently protect farmland and strengthen local food systems.

Recent data paint a sobering picture. More than one million Ontarians accessed food banks between April 2023 and March 2024, a 25% increase over the previous year and nearly double the figures from four years prior. According to Feed Ontario’s 2024 Hunger Report, food bank use has surged across every region, including traditionally self-sufficient rural areas like Grey-Bruce, where the cost of a nutritious food basket consumes over 40% of a family’s income on Ontario Works. In Northumberland County, the monthly shortfall between assistance levels and basic expenses surpasses $1,300 even before rent is considered.

Amid this growing crisis, Ontario Green Party Leader Mike Schreiner has introduced the concept of food belts, designated agricultural zones protected from development, designed to ensure ongoing food production close to population centres. The idea has received support from municipal officials, including Markham and Waterloo Region councillors, who are increasingly alarmed by the pace at which farmland is being lost to suburban sprawl.

Between 2016 and 2021, Ontario lost over 620,000 acres of farmland, according to the 2021 Census of Agriculture. That represents more than 1,200 farms, not phased out due to productivity or retirement, but lost to development and land speculation. Once prime agricultural land is paved over, it is virtually impossible to restore, raising serious concerns about the province’s long-term food capacity.

In Waterloo Region, where one in eight households now reports food insecurity, the link between land use and hunger is becoming clearer. Eleven percent of those turning to food banks come from households with at least one working adult, reflecting broader structural challenges beyond poverty alone. At the same time, 50% of food banks have been forced to reduce services, while 40% have cut back on the amount of food distributed, according to Feed Ontario.

Food belts are proposed as a systemic solution. Modeled in part on the province’s existing Greenbelt, food belts would differ by prioritizing food production rather than simply preserving green space. Enabling legislation, potentially through amendments to Ontario’s Planning Act or the Provincial Policy Statement, would establish a policy framework, followed by municipal implementation through Official Plans and comprehensive land-use reviews.

The food belt model would involve identifying prime agricultural lands for protection, particularly in high-growth regions such as the Greater Golden Horseshoe. Within these zones, land use would be restricted to agricultural and food-related purposes, including greenhouses, food processing, and housing for seasonal farm workers. Non-agricultural development would be prohibited or tightly regulated.

To support farmers within the belts, advocates suggest a suite of provincial incentives. These could include property tax relief, grants for sustainable practices, support for young and new farmers, and investment in local food infrastructure such as processing facilities and distribution hubs. The intent is to foster both agricultural stability and economic opportunity in rural areas.

Crucially, food belts would not operate in isolation. Stakeholder engagement would be central to their design and implementation, involving farmers, Indigenous communities, conservationists, and municipal planners. A provincial oversight body could monitor compliance, enforce regulations, and report on agricultural output and environmental indicators within the belts.

Beyond farmland protection, proponents argue that food belts represent a strategic investment in Ontario’s long-term food resilience. By shortening supply chains, reducing reliance on imported goods, and anchoring food production within commuting distance of major urban centres, food belts could help the province navigate future disruptions caused by climate change, inflation, and geopolitical instability.

“Simply put, we cannot eat subdivisions,” Schreiner has said, warning that continued inaction could erode Ontario’s ability to feed itself. The Green Party’s position echoes findings from agricultural policy experts who have long cautioned that land-use planning must be treated as a food security issue, not just an environmental or economic concern.

As of 2024, Ontario’s policy landscape lacks a formal mechanism to establish food belts, though growing public and political interest may push the province to act. For now, the concept remains in the realm of advocacy and municipal discussion, but pressure is mounting.

With food insecurity no longer confined to urban poverty and food banks unable to keep pace, the proposal for food belts offers a rare convergence of long-term strategy and immediate relevance. Whether Queen’s Park chooses to seize the moment remains to be seen. What is clear, however, is that Ontario’s food future will depend not only on how the land is farmed, but on whether that land remains farmland at all.

Sources
• CBC News: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/kitchener-waterloo/foodbelt-reaction-schreiner-markham-councillors-1.7536995
• Feed Ontario Hunger Report 2024: https://feedontario.ca/research/hunger-report-2024
• Statistics Canada, Census of Agriculture 2021: https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/220511/dq220511b-eng.htm
• Greenbelt Act, 2005: https://www.ontario.ca/laws/statute/05g01
• Grey Bruce Public Health: https://www.publichealthgreybruce.on.ca
• HKPR Health Unit (Northumberland): https://www.hkpr.on.ca