Tag Archives: Politics

Building the Future: Kemptville’s Affordable Housing Vision

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In communities across Canada, the housing crisis has become more than a policy debate, it’s a daily struggle. While costs rise and waitlists grow, the Municipality of North Grenville, just south of Ottawa, is offering a bold response. Its $25 million proposal to convert Bell Hall, a vacant dormitory on the Kemptville Campus, into more than 60 affordable rental units is both practical and symbolic, a microcosm of what’s possible when local governments lead.

The campus itself is a 630-acre hub of community, education, and sustainability activities. Once part of the University of Guelph’s agricultural network, it’s now owned by the municipality and governed by a 2021 master plan that prioritizes adaptive reuse, environmental responsibility, and deep community engagement. Bell Hall fits that vision precisely; a municipally owned, appropriately zoned, fully serviced building, already standing and waiting to be converted.

This is not a speculative plan. Developed over months with input from senior staff and not-for-profit partners, the Bell Hall project targets the real needs of North Grenville’s most vulnerable; seniors, veterans, and working families being priced out of their hometown. It offers not just housing, but stability, dignity, and a sense of belonging.

And yet, despite being shovel-ready, the proposal remains stalled in a growing backlog at the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC). It’s a familiar story for municipalities across the country, many of whom are reporting delays due to limited federal processing capacity, particularly in underwriting. As federal priorities shift with the political winds, viable projects are left in limbo.

Mayor Nancy Peckford recently sounded the alarm in the Ottawa Citizen, arguing that the issue is not preferential treatment, but systemic inefficiency. Her call for transparency and faster turnaround is resonating with other small communities also ready to build. In an age where housing need is immediate, the logic is simple: when a plan meets all the criteria, and the groundwork is laid, it should move forward.

Some critics are suggesting that municipalities are just now “stepping up” on housing, but local governments have long managed zoning and development approvals. What’s new is the scale and pace of their engagement, assembling land, forming partnerships, applying for federal tools, and leading where senior governments lag.

North Grenville’s approach is part of a broader shift in small-town Canada, where pressures once confined to major cities are now spreading. The housing crisis isn’t urban anymore, it’s national. In this context, Bell Hall becomes more than a local project. It’s a test of the federal-municipal partnership that modern housing policy demands.

There’s also economic logic behind the urgency. A 2023 Deloitte report estimated that expanding community housing could add $70 billion to Canada’s GDP over five years. In places like Kemptville, where growth is manageable and materials can be sourced locally, the multiplier effects are significant with jobs, procurement, community stabilization, and reduced strain on health and social services.

And this is just one community. Rural municipalities across Eastern Ontario are facing similar challenges – aging populations, limited rental stock, and infrastructure that hasn’t kept pace. A regional alliance, or even a coordinated appeal, could elevate the urgency of rural housing and draw more attention to what’s at stake.

North Grenville is ready. Bell Hall is ready. The question is whether the federal system is ready to respond with the speed and seriousness the moment demands. If the next government wants to prove its commitment to housing, here is the perfect place to start.

Identity, Governance, and Privacy: The Controversy Over National IDs

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The question of whether governments should mandate compulsory citizen photo identification is a complex one, balancing concerns over security, efficiency, privacy, and civil liberties. Proponents argue that such a system strengthens national security by reducing identity fraud, streamlining public services, and ensuring greater integrity in processes such as voting and law enforcement. Opponents, however, raise concerns about privacy risks, potential discrimination, and the financial and administrative burdens associated with implementation.

One of the strongest arguments in favor of compulsory identification is its role in preventing fraud and enhancing security. A standardized ID system makes it easier to verify identities in a wide range of scenarios, from accessing government benefits to conducting financial transactions. Proponents argue that this not only reduces the risk of identity theft but also ensures that public services reach their intended recipients without duplication or misuse. In the realm of law enforcement, such a system can help police quickly verify identities, track criminals, and even assist in locating missing persons. A national ID could also facilitate international travel within certain regions and improve border security by preventing unauthorized entries.

From a governance perspective, a universal identification system can improve the efficiency of public administration. Countries with well-integrated ID systems often experience fewer bureaucratic hurdles in service delivery, whether in healthcare, taxation, or social welfare. Standardizing identity verification can also strengthen the electoral process by reducing the potential for voter fraud and ensuring that only eligible citizens participate. Advocates suggest that, in an increasingly digital world, a government-issued ID could serve as a foundational tool for secure online verification, further modernizing access to services.

Concerns about privacy and government overreach remain central to opposition arguments. Critics warn that a compulsory ID system could expand state surveillance, allowing authorities to track individuals in ways that may infringe on civil liberties. The centralization of personal data also raises the risk of misuse, whether through state overreach or cyberattacks that compromise sensitive information. Given the increasing sophistication of cyber threats, a national ID database could become a high-value target for hackers, putting millions of people at risk of identity fraud.

Social equity is another significant concern. Some populations, including the homeless, elderly, and marginalized communities, may face barriers in obtaining and maintaining identification, potentially excluding them from essential services. If not carefully designed, an ID requirement could reinforce systemic inequities, disproportionately affecting those who already struggle with bureaucratic processes. Additionally, there is a risk of such a system being used to justify racial profiling or discrimination, particularly in law enforcement contexts.

Beyond ethical considerations, the financial cost of implementing and maintaining a compulsory ID program is substantial. Governments would need to invest in secure infrastructure, database management, and ongoing monitoring to prevent fraud or duplication. Citizens might also bear financial burdens in obtaining and renewing their identification, making it a potential source of economic hardship for some. Critics argue that as digital identification methods become more sophisticated, traditional photo IDs may soon become obsolete, making such an investment unnecessary.

The debate over compulsory citizen photo identification ultimately hinges on whether the benefits of security and efficiency outweigh the risks to privacy, civil liberties, and social equity. Any government considering such a system would need to address these concerns through clear legal safeguards, accessible implementation strategies, and a careful assessment of technological advancements. While a well-designed ID system could offer significant advantages, it must be developed in a way that protects citizens’ rights and ensures broad inclusivity.

The Prime Minister’s New Home: A National Symbol Reimagined

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For nearly a decade, 24 Sussex Drive has sat in dignified decay; its halls silent, its windows dark. Once the official residence of Canada’s Prime Ministers, it has become a symbol not of leadership, but of limbo. The questions of what to do with 24 Sussex, renovate, rebuild, repurpose, have lingered without resolution, weighed down by political caution and public ambivalence. But perhaps we’ve been asking the wrong question. Instead of struggling to salvage a mid-century home with outdated systems and looming asbestos, it’s time we recognized that this moment calls for vision, not nostalgia. Canada deserves not only a new residence for its Prime Minister, but a bold reimagining of what leadership looks like, and where it lives.

Imagine this, a purpose-built complex that serves as both the official residence and the working headquarters of the Prime Minister of Canada, located on the sprawling grounds of Rideau Hall. This would not be a fortress, nor a vanity project. It would be a national institution, designed for transparency, diplomacy, and sustainability. It would reflect not just the occupant of the office, but the country they serve. Here is a rare opportunity to commission a project that shows the world who we are: a country of bold ideas, architectural excellence, Indigenous respect, recognition of the provinces and territories, and ecological consciousness.

Placing the Prime Minister’s residence and office at Rideau Hall makes both symbolic and logistical sense. It is already the site of Canada’s vice-regal presence and home to state ceremonies, visiting dignitaries, and national celebrations. Integrating the Prime Minister’s quarters into this historic landscape would bring coherence to the ceremonial heart of the nation. It would also enhance security, reduce inefficiencies, and allow for shared infrastructure between the Governor General’s operations and the Prime Minister’s Office. More than that, it would physically express Canada’s model of constitutional democracy: a Prime Minister, not as a distant executive, but as a visible, engaged steward of public trust.

This would be no private enclave. The new complex could feature public spaces: gardens, galleries, viewing areas, where Canadians and visitors could witness history in the making. Designed through an open national competition, the project would draw upon the talents of Canadian architects, builders, and artists. It would foreground Indigenous perspectives, perhaps through partnerships with First Nations designers and knowledge keepers, making reconciliation a structural and aesthetic principle. It could be built to the highest environmental standards, net-zero energy, carbon neutral, and climate resilient, setting a global benchmark for how democratic institutions can lead by example in a warming world.

As for 24 Sussex, it too deserves a future, not as a personal residence, but as a public place. Rather than disappearing behind construction tarps or bureaucratic indecision, it could be reborn as The Museum of Canadian Prime Ministers. There, the lives and legacies of the country’s leaders, visionary and flawed alike, could be explored with nuance and depth. Imagine rooms restored to reflect different eras, immersive exhibits about the crises and triumphs that unfolded within its walls, and interactive installations that encourage civic learning and debate. It would be a museum not of personalities alone, but of ideas and institutions, a place where Canadians could come to better understand the machinery of government, and their role in shaping it.

The cost of doing nothing is not zero. Every year we stall, the price of restoring 24 Sussex climbs, while the image of our national leadership suffers from association with crumbling plaster and political fearfulness. This isn’t about extravagance. It’s about pride, coherence, and nation-building. Other countries, Australia, Germany, the Nordic nations, have constructed modern official residences that reflect their identity and values. Canada can and should do the same.

We’re standing at the threshold of a generational opportunity. Let’s stop asking whether we can afford to build something worthy of our Prime Minister, and start asking what kind of country we want to present, to ourselves and the world. A new residence and office at Rideau Hall, paired with a museum at 24 Sussex, would tell a story of continuity and progress, of humility and ambition. It would turn a political liability into a cultural legacy. And it would say, without apology: this is Canada, and this is what we stand for.

Beyond Free Market Myths: Why Canada Needs the EU’s Stability

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Mark Carney’s approach, alongside the broader European Union model, represents a forward-thinking vision that prioritizes long-term economic stability, environmental responsibility, and social equity; values that are increasingly crucial in a world facing climate change, global financial shifts, and geopolitical instability. Contrary to the claim, that these policies have led to economic and social decline, the EU has consistently ranked among the world’s largest and most stable economic blocs, demonstrating resilience in the face of global crises. Canada, by aligning with the EU’s principles, positions itself for a more sustainable and equitable future rather than shackling itself to the short-term volatility of unregulated free-market capitalism.

Economic Resilience Over Deregulated Instability
The argument against Carney relies on a false dichotomy; that Canada must choose between European-style economic management and a purely free-market U.S.-oriented model. However, the 2008 financial crisis demonstrated the perils of unchecked capitalism, particularly in the U.S., where financial deregulation led to one of the worst economic collapses in history. In contrast, Carney’s leadership at the Bank of Canada helped the country navigate that crisis more effectively than most, avoiding the catastrophic failures seen elsewhere. Similarly, his tenure at the Bank of England reinforced the importance of prudent regulatory oversight.

The EU, despite criticism, remains a powerhouse. It is the world’s third-largest economy, behind only the U.S. and China, and has consistently maintained a high standard of living, strong labor protections, and a more balanced wealth distribution than laissez-faire models allow. Canada benefits from closer ties with such an entity, particularly as economic nationalism rises in the U.S., where protectionist trade policies under both Democratic and Republican administrations have shown a clear shift away from open-market ideals.

Climate Leadership as an Economic Advantage
Critics of Carney’s climate policies fail to acknowledge that global markets are increasingly rewarding sustainable investments. Major institutional investors, including BlackRock and major European banks, are shifting towards green finance, recognizing that the transition away from fossil fuels is not just an environmental imperative, but a financial necessity. Canada’s economy, still heavily reliant on resource extraction, must evolve rather than double down on outdated industries.

The EU’s leadership in climate policy is not an economic burden; it is an opportunity. The European Green Deal has set the standard for sustainable economic transformation, spurring innovation in renewables, clean technology, and advanced manufacturing. Canada, with its vast natural resources and technological expertise, is well-positioned to benefit from this shift rather than clinging to an increasingly obsolete model of oil dependency.

A Stronger Canada Through Strategic Alliances
The portrayal of the EU as an anti-democratic bureaucracy ignores the reality that it is a collection of sovereign states voluntarily participating in a shared economic and political framework. The EU has been a stabilizing force, promoting peace, economic integration, and democratic norms across the continent. Canada’s engagement with such an entity strengthens its global influence, diversifies its economic relationships, and reduces over-reliance on any single partner, such as the increasingly unpredictable U.S.

Aligning with the EU does not mean abandoning national sovereignty but rather embracing a model of cooperative governance that has proven effective in mitigating economic shocks and geopolitical tensions. Given the uncertainty surrounding U.S. policies, including isolationist tendencies and shifting trade dynamics, Canada’s strategic interest lies in expanding partnerships rather than limiting them.

Carney’s vision is not a step towards economic decline, but a necessary evolution towards a more resilient, sustainable, and balanced economy. The argument for unregulated capitalism ignores the lessons of past crises, dismisses the realities of climate-driven economic transformation, and underestimates the benefits of diversified global partnerships. Rather than resisting European-style policies, Canada should embrace them as part of a modern, forward-looking strategy that ensures long-term prosperity, environmental sustainability, and social stability.

Manufactured Crisis? How Manning’s Separation Rhetoric Boosts Poilievre’s Leadership Image

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Preston Manning’s recent comments suggesting that Mark Carney’s political positions might drive Western Canada toward separatism seem to serve a dual purpose: first, they reinforce long-standing Western alienation narratives, and second, they may act as a strategic setup for Pierre Poilievre to position himself as a national unifier ahead of the next federal election.

Western alienation has been a recurring theme in Canadian politics, particularly under conservative figures who have used it as a rallying point. Manning, as a former leader of the Reform Party, has deep roots in this movement. By framing Carney, who is associated with the Liberals and seen as a potential successor to Trudeau, as a threat to Western unity, Manning effectively stokes regional frustrations. However, the timing and messaging of his comments raise questions about whether they are part of a broader conservative strategy.

If Western separation is framed as an impending crisis, Poilievre can step in as the “voice of reason” advocating for national unity, all while reinforcing his commitment to Western interests. This allows him to attack both the Liberals and Carney while appearing above the fray as a leader who can keep the country together. This tactic, raising the specter of division to later present a preferred leader as the solution, is a classic political maneuver.

Additionally, such rhetoric creates a convenient contrast between Poilievre and Carney. Carney is often positioned as a technocratic elite with strong international credentials, whereas Poilievre appeals to populist, anti-establishment sentiments. By invoking Western alienation, Manning shifts the conversation away from policy and toward identity-based politics, an area where Poilievre has excelled.

Ultimately, whether this is a deliberate “red flag” operation or simply a reflection of Manning’s personal beliefs, the effect is the same: it benefits Poilievre by giving him a crisis to “solve,” reinforcing his national leadership image while deepening the perception of Liberal detachment from Western concerns.

Carney’s Distinction: Spending vs Investing

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Mark Carney’s recent remarks at the housing development announcement have sparked an intriguing debate on fiscal responsibility that could well shape our nation’s political discourse this election season. In a climate where every policy decision is scrutinized, Carney’s clear differentiation between mere spending and genuine investment stands out as both a pragmatic and visionary approach.

At the event, Carney took the podium with a measured resolve, declaring, “This is not merely spending.” The announcement, a multi-billion-dollar initiative aimed at creating thousands of affordable homes, was not just a government outlay but, as Carney argued, a strategic investment in the country’s future. He reminded us that spending provides short-term relief, a temporary boost that often fades without leaving a lasting impact. In contrast, investing builds physical assets, from homes that shelter citizens to infrastructure that drives long-term economic growth.

During the press conference, a journalist pressed Carney for clarity: “But what exactly distinguishes spending from investing, especially in these turbulent economic times?” Carney’s response was incisive. “Consider this housing initiative. If we were simply spending, we’d be issuing subsidies or providing temporary relief. That money would dissipate, leaving us to confront the same issues a year or two down the line. What we’re doing here is building assets that not only meet immediate needs, but also stabilize our market for decades to come.” His explanation resonated, emphasizing that when the government borrows money for tangible investments, it’s laying the groundwork for future prosperity, rather than just adding to the current debt burden.

Critics have raised valid concerns about increasing deficits, asking, “But what about government deficits? Isn’t this just adding to our debt load?” Carney acknowledged the worry, noting that borrowing for short-term fixes often leads to a perilous cycle of debt. However, he argued, borrowing to invest in enduring assets, such as new housing, yields dividends in the form of job creation, improved living standards, and a robust, resilient economy. “Debt for spending is dangerous because it leaves nothing behind,” he stated. “Debt for investment, however, is different. When we invest in projects that drive economic growth, we’re not just managing debt, we’re transforming it into a catalyst for long-term stability.”

As someone who has witnessed countless policy debates, I find Carney’s distinction particularly refreshing. In an era dominated by immediate solutions, and short-lived political gains, his perspective challenges leaders to think beyond the next election cycle. The choice, as Carney laid it out, is stark: Will our policymakers continue to opt for fleeting spending that merely masks underlying problems, or will they embrace investments that secure a prosperous future?

This is more than a fiscal debate, it’s a much needed, fundamental question about our nation’s priorities. As voters and citizens, Canadians must demand that our leaders consider the long-term impacts of their decisions. The current housing development initiative, if executed wisely, is a testament to the power of strategic investment over transient spending, such as tax cuts for the rich, or removing the carbon tax. It promises to deliver not just immediate relief, but a foundation upon which a stronger, more resilient economy can be built. Again, this goes beyond the usual election cycle promises, and short-term thinking, that politicians usually indulge in, to get the votes they need to stay in power. 

In these uncertain times, Carney’s message is a timely reminder that every dollar spent should be scrutinized for its future value. As the election nears, his call to invest in our collective future rather than merely spending for today is one that deserves our full attention, and, perhaps, our support.

Forget the Third Term—Trump’s True Threat to Democracy Is Happening Now

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Donald Trump’s recent statements about serving a third term should not be taken at face value. Instead, they are likely a deliberate red herring, designed to dominate the news cycle and distract the public from the real threats to democracy that his administration and allies are pursuing. This is a classic Trump strategy; make an outrageous claim, provoke an intense reaction, and while everyone is busy debunking it, work quietly in the background to consolidate power.

The reality is that a third term is constitutionally impossible without an amendment, which would require overwhelming congressional and state-level support; something Trump does not have. So why bring it up? Because it forces Democrats, legal scholars, and the media to focus on an imaginary crisis rather than the real one. While everyone is busy arguing about whether he “means it” or if there’s a legal loophole he could exploit, the actual threats to democracy, attacks on voting rights, the erosion of institutional checks and balances, and the installation of loyalists in key positions, go largely unchecked.

We’ve seen this playbook before. Throughout his first presidency, Trump used inflammatory rhetoric to create chaos and dominate media coverage, distracting from the structural changes his administration was making behind the scenes. His lies about a “stolen election” consumed public discourse, but the real story was the groundwork being laid for legal challenges, voter suppression laws, and, ultimately, the violent January 6th insurrection. His latest comments about a third term could serve a similar function, keeping his base engaged and enraged while drawing attention away from his administration’s more immediate moves.

The most dangerous aspect of this tactic is that it works. Every time Trump makes an outrageous claim, it forces his opponents to play defense, scrambling to explain why his idea is unconstitutional or unworkable. Meanwhile, his supporters rally around him, buying into the narrative that he is the only one who can “save” the country. This shift in focus allows him to continue his real mission; undermining democratic institutions to ensure his grip on power extends far beyond 2029, even if he never officially serves a third term.

Democrats and the media must recognize this strategy for what it is. Instead of getting caught up in the spectacle, they must stay laser-focused on what Trump is actually doing. The real story isn’t whether he can serve a third term, it’s how he is working right now to weaken democracy so that he won’t have to leave power in the first place.

A Commonwealth Without Borders: The Future of Free Movement?

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The idea of free movement between Canada, New Zealand, Australia, and the UK has gained increasing attention in recent years. Often discussed under the banner of CANZUK, the proposal envisions a system similar to the European Union’s freedom of movement, allowing citizens of these four nations to live and work freely across their borders. At first glance, the case for such an arrangement seems compelling. These countries share deep historical ties, legal and political traditions rooted in the British system, and comparable economic standards. Advocates argue that freer movement would not only reinforce cultural and economic connections but also provide practical benefits, such as addressing labor shortages and strengthening diplomatic relationships.

The idea is not without precedent. Australia and New Zealand already enjoy a form of free movement under the Trans-Tasman Travel Arrangement (TTTA), which has allowed their citizens to live and work in either country with relatively few restrictions for decades. This arrangement has functioned smoothly, with both nations benefiting from a flexible labor market and strong cross-border ties. Extending a similar model to include Canada and the UK, proponents argue, would be a natural evolution of these existing relationships. Many supporters also point to the European Union’s Schengen Zone as proof that such agreements can work on a larger scale, allowing economic migration without overwhelming social systems.

However, beyond the rhetoric of shared heritage and common values, the proposal faces considerable economic and political challenges. While these nations are broadly comparable in terms of economic development, there are still notable differences in wages, cost of living, and employment opportunities. Australia and Canada, for instance, consistently rank among the most desirable destinations for migrants due to their higher wages and strong job markets. Without proper safeguards, this could lead to an uneven flow of migration, with workers from the UK and New Zealand gravitating towards the more prosperous economies of Canada and Australia, potentially creating labor shortages in their home countries.

Another critical concern is the impact on housing and infrastructure. Canada and Australia are already grappling with severe housing affordability crises, particularly in major cities like Toronto, Vancouver, Sydney, and Melbourne. An influx of migrants, even from culturally similar nations, could put additional strain on these markets, driving up housing prices and exacerbating shortages. While proponents argue that increased migration could also help address labor shortages in construction and other essential industries, critics warn that these benefits may take years to materialize, while the immediate impact on housing demand would be felt almost instantly.

The political landscape also complicates the feasibility of such a proposal. While public opinion polls have shown reasonable support for closer ties between these nations, immigration remains a contentious issue in all four. Brexit was, in part, driven by the UK’s desire to regain control over its borders, and many voters would likely resist any proposal that reintroduces a form of free movement, even if limited to Commonwealth nations. In Canada and Australia, immigration policy is a key electoral issue, and governments are unlikely to relinquish control over who enters their borders. National security concerns also play a role, as harmonizing immigration and vetting policies across four different governments would be a bureaucratic challenge.

Despite these obstacles, the concept of closer mobility between these nations is unlikely to disappear. While full free movement may be politically unrealistic in the near term, policymakers could explore intermediate steps, such as streamlined work visas, mutual residency pathways, or limited agreements for specific professions. Such measures would allow for greater mobility without the risks of an uncontrolled migration flow. Ultimately, while the dream of a CANZUK free movement zone remains an enticing one, its success will depend on whether political leaders can balance economic opportunity with the realities of national interests and public sentiment.

Economists Are Finally Catching Up – But Will Politicians Listen?

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For years, many of us outside the ivory tower have watched economists confidently explain the world using tidy models that don’t quite match reality. Now, it seems even the experts are starting to wake up. Nobel laureate Angus Deaton, a man who has spent over five decades shaping economic thought, recently admitted that he’s rethinking much of what he once believed. In his essay, Rethinking My Economics, he acknowledges something the rest of us have known for a long time; economics, as it has been practiced, has ignored some fundamental truths about power, fairness, and the actual lives of working people.

One of his biggest realizations is that power—not just free markets or technological change—determines wages, prices, and opportunities. The old economic story said that workers got paid what they were worth, and if wages were low, it was because of “supply and demand.” Deaton now recognizes that corporate power has a much bigger role than economists have admitted. Employers dictate pay, not some invisible hand. This is what workers and unions have been saying for generations.

Speaking of unions, Deaton now regrets his past views on them. Like many economists, he once saw unions as a drag on efficiency. Now he sees them as a necessary counterbalance to corporate power. He even links their decline to some of today’s biggest problems—like stagnant wages and the rise of populism. Those of us who watched good union jobs disappear over the decades could have told him that.

Deaton also revisits the supposed wonders of free trade and globalization. He used to believe they were unquestionably good for everyone, lifting millions out of poverty worldwide, and now he wonders if the benefits of global trade have been overstated, especially for North American workers. It turns out that shipping jobs overseas and gutting local industries does have consequences. Again, not news to the factory workers and small-town business owners who saw their livelihoods disappear.

Even on immigration, Deaton has had a rethink. While he still sees its benefits, he admits he hadn’t fully considered its effects on low-wage workers. Many working-class folks—especially in industries like construction and manufacturing—have long argued that an influx of labor can drive down wages. For decades, economists dismissed these concerns as uninformed or even xenophobic. Now, Deaton is realizing that, actually, those workers had a point.

One of the biggest flaws in modern economics, Deaton argues, is its obsession with efficiency. The field has spent too much time focusing on what is “optimal” in theoretical terms while ignoring what is fair. Efficiency is great if you’re a CEO looking at profit margins, but for ordinary people trying to build stable lives, fairness matters just as much—if not more.

Perhaps most importantly, Deaton now believes that economics needs to learn from other disciplines. Historians, sociologists, and philosophers have long been tackling questions about inequality, power, and justice that economists are only now beginning to take seriously. Maybe if more economists had paid attention to those fields earlier, we wouldn’t be in such a mess now.

Which brings us to Mark Carney. Once the golden boy of central banking, Carney is now stepping into the political arena with the Canadian Federal Liberals, promising policies that sound progressive, but still carry the scent of Bay Street. The big question is: will his economic approach reflect the real-world reckoning that Deaton and others are finally having, or will it be more of the same old technocratic tinkering? Carney has talked a lot about inclusive growth and climate action, but will he acknowledge—like Deaton now does—that power imbalances, corporate dominance, and the decline of unions are at the heart of inequality? Will he push policies that actually shift power back to workers, or just dress up neoliberal economics with a few social programs? If Carney truly embraces Deaton’s new thinking, we might see a real departure from the old economic playbook, but if he sticks to the well-worn path of market-friendly “solutions,” it’ll just be another round of the same policies that got us here in the first place.

It’s refreshing to see someone like Deaton openly question his own past beliefs. It’s a rare thing for a leading economist to admit they’ve been wrong, but for those of us who have lived through the consequences of these flawed economic theories, starting with the years of Reagan and Thatcher, the real question is: Why did it take them so long to figure this out? And now that they have—will the politicians actually do anything about it?

The Delusions of Authoritarians: Why it never ends well for Fascist Leaders

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Fascist and authoritarian leaders rarely see themselves as doomed figures in history. On the contrary, they often believe they are exceptional – capable of bending the course of history to their will. Whether through the cult of personality, the rewriting of historical narratives, or sheer force, they assume they can control how they will be remembered. This delusion has led many to catastrophic ends, yet new generations of authoritarians seem undeterred, convinced that they will be the ones to succeed where others failed. Trump and his allies fit squarely into this pattern, refusing to believe that history might judge them harshly or that their actions could lead to their own downfall.

Mussolini provides one of the most vivid examples of this phenomenon. He envisioned himself as a modern-day Caesar, reviving the grandeur of the Roman Empire through Fascism. His brutal repression of dissent, his alliance with Hitler, and his reckless military ambitions ultimately led to disaster. When the tide of World War II turned, Mussolini found himself abandoned, hunted, and finally executed by his own people; his corpse hung upside down in Milan as a stark rejection of his once-grandiose vision. And yet, to the very end, he believed he was the victim of betrayal rather than the architect of his own demise.

Hitler, too, was utterly convinced of his historical greatness. He meticulously curated his own image, producing propaganda that cast him as Germany’s savior. Even as the Third Reich collapsed around him, he ranted in his bunker about how the German people had failed him rather than the other way around. His ultimate act, suicide rather than surrender, was an attempt to control his narrative, ensuring he would never be paraded as a prisoner. But history did not grant him the legacy he sought. Instead of being remembered as a visionary, he became the ultimate symbol of genocidal tyranny.

The pattern continued into the later 20th century. Nicolae Ceaușescu, the Romanian dictator, had convinced himself that his people adored him. He built extravagant palaces while his citizens starved, crushed opposition, and developed a personality cult that portrayed him as a paternal figure of national strength. When the moment of reckoning arrived in 1989, he seemed genuinely shocked that the crowd in Bucharest turned on him. Within days, he and his wife were tried and executed by firing squad, their supposed invincibility revealed as an illusion.

Even those who manage to hold onto power longer do not always escape history’s judgment. Augusto Pinochet ruled Chile through terror for nearly two decades, believing that his iron grip would secure him a revered place in history. But his crimes – torture, executions, forced disappearances eventually caught up with him. Though he escaped trial for most of his life, his reputation was destroyed. His legacy became one of shame rather than strength.

Trump, like these figures, operates in a world where loyalty and spectacle take precedence over reality. He dismisses mainstream historians as biased, preferring the adulation of his base over any broader judgment. He likely assumes that as long as he can retain power, whether through elections, legal battles, or intimidation, he can dictate how history views him. But history has a way of rendering its own verdict. Those who believe they can shape their own myth while trampling on democratic institutions, rule of law, and public trust often find themselves remembered not as saviors, but as cautionary tales.