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About Chris McBean

Strategist, polyamorist, ergodox, permaculture & agroforestry hobbyist, craft ale & cider enthusiast, white settler in Canada of British descent; a wanderer who isn’t lost.

Nuremberg Revisited: A Timely Warning to the Trump Administration

The forthcoming film Nuremberg, slated for release on November 7th, 2025, offers more than just a historical drama, it arrives at a moment in time that invites reflection on the nature of authoritarian power, the fragility of democratic institutions, and the price paid when societies fail to hold tyranny to account. In publishing a cinematic depiction of the post-World-War II trials of Nazi war criminals, the film sends a pointed message, especially to the current U.S. administration, about the consequences of unrestrained power and the urgent need for vigilance in protecting democratic norms.

First, the timing of the release is significant: over eighty years since the original Nuremberg Trials of 1945–46, when the victors of the war sought to ensure that those responsible for crimes against humanity would be held to account. The film’s arrival at this milestone moment suggests that the lessons of that era are not mere relics, but living admonitions. For a present-day administration facing pressures from populist rhetoric, democratic back-sliding, or executive overreach, the film signals that the world remembers what unchecked power is capable of. The very act of dramatizing how the Nazi regime’s leaders were judged and how justice was pursued underscores that history is watching.

Second, by focusing on the moral, psychological and institutional dimensions of tyranny through characters such as Hermann Göring and the American psychiatrist mesmerized by his charisma, the film reminds us that dictators do not always rule by brute force alone, they often wield legitimacy, manipulation and institutional subversion. In a modern context, this is a cautionary tale. When a government begins undermining norms, bypassing checks and balances, or valorizing strong-man tactics, it is not merely a political condition, it echoes the first steps of authoritarianism. The release of this film invites the Trump administration (and by extension any power-consolidating regime) to reflect: the fate of dictatorships is grim, and history does not neglect them.

Third, the timing signals an admonition that accountability matters. The heroes of the film are not the dictators themselves, but the institutions and individuals who insisted on judgment, on due process, on shining light into darkness. That message runs counter to any present-day posture that seeks to evade responsibility or diminish oversight. For the U.S. administration, which holds itself up (and is held up by others) as a model for rule-of-law governance, the film is a reminder that even victors in war cannot sidestep justice: they must build systems that can stand scrutiny. The release date thus communicates that the film is more than entertainment – it is timely commentary.

By arriving in late 2025, a time when global politics are turbulent and the boundaries of democratic norms are under pressure, the film functions as a mirror. It asks: What happens when the “good guys” forget that the preservation of democracy requires constant vigilance? The implication for the Trump administration is subtle but unmistakable: look at the outcome of authoritarianism in the 20th century; learn from the decay of institutional safeguards; and recognize that public memory and moral judgment endure long after the regimes have fallen.

Nuremberg does more than retell a famous trial, it sends a message to the present: authoritarianism isn’t just history’s problem, it is today’s risk. By releasing now, the film invites the Trump administration to see itself in the narrative, one where the rule-of-law must be defended, where power must be constrained, and where the cost of forgetting is steep.

The Grammar of Entitlement

There is a kind of violence that rarely makes headlines. It doesn’t leave bruises or require an alibi, yet it shapes how millions of women move through the world. It lives in tone, expectation, and entitlement: the quiet insistence that a man’s desire constitutes a claim. This is the grammar of entitlement, and it underwrites much of what we call everyday life. When men are taught that kindness, attention, or money are currencies that purchase intimacy, the refusal of that transaction feels like theft. And from that imagined theft, violence grows, not only in action, but in attitude. It becomes the background noise of a culture that still believes women’s bodies are communal property, merely distributed through different forms of politeness.

Entitlement begins in subtle places. It begins in the stories boys are told about conquest, romance, and “getting the girl.” It begins in the way girls are socialized to soften their refusals, to keep themselves safe through diplomacy. This is not simply social conditioning; it is an architecture of expectation built into language itself. In most heterosexual narratives, the man’s desire drives the story. Her consent is not the point of origin but the obstacle, the dramatic tension to be overcome. Even the romantic comedy, that seemingly benign genre, is often structured around a man wearing down resistance until “no” becomes “yes.” The myth of persistence has always been the moral camouflage of entitlement.

When that persistence is frustrated, resentment follows. We are now witnessing an era where this resentment has become communal, a kind of organized grievance. It tells men that the modern world has conspired to deny them what they were promised: sex, affection, attention, reverence. The rhetoric of the “lonely man” often cloaks this in pathos, but loneliness itself is not the problem. It is the conviction that someone else must be blamed for it that turns grief into hostility. Within that hostility lies the logic of control: if women are free to choose, then men must find ways to reclaim authority over choice itself.

Violence begins there, long before it reaches the body. It begins in words, in the erosion of empathy, in the idea that intimacy is a right to be exercised rather than a gift to be offered. It manifests in the digital sphere where harassment, threats, and objectification form an ambient hum of hostility that too many women learn to normalize. The technology changes, but the dynamic is ancient: a man’s sense of rejection transforms into moral outrage, and his outrage becomes justification. This is why sexual violence cannot be separated from cultural entitlement; they are different verses of the same song.

We have grown used to defining violence by its visibility. We recognize bruises, but not the psychic contortions that come from being reduced to a function. When women describe the exhaustion of navigating entitlement: the emotional labour of softening refusals, the hypervigilance required to stay safe, they are often accused of exaggeration. Yet what they describe is the constant negotiation of ownership: whose comfort matters, whose boundaries are negotiable, whose will defines the encounter. Violence, in this sense, is not the breakdown of civility but its shadow. What civility hides so that power can feel like courtesy.

To name entitlement as violence is to understand that harm is cumulative. A woman who spends years accommodating the moods of men who believe they are owed her body or attention carries a kind of invisible scar tissue. It may never be recorded in police reports, but it shapes her choices, her confidence, her trust. The body remembers what the culture denies. Each unsolicited touch, each angry message, each demand for emotional compliance becomes another layer in a collective memory of threat.

And yet, we are told that men are the ones suffering. The so-called “male loneliness epidemic” has become a rallying cry; less for compassion than for backlash. The argument goes that women’s independence has left men adrift, unwanted, and angry, but this, too, is a distortion. Loneliness deserves empathy; entitlement does not. The problem is not that women refuse to date men, but that so many men interpret refusal as harm. To frame women’s autonomy as cruelty is to invert the moral order entirely, to make self-protection an act of aggression.

What we are witnessing is not a crisis of connection, but a crisis of entitlement. The more women assert boundaries, the more those boundaries are read as insults. The cultural reflex is to soothe male discomfort rather than question its legitimacy, yet a society that prioritizes men’s hurt feelings over women’s safety is not a society in decline, rather it is one in denial. 

If there is hope, it lies in unlearning this grammar. In rewriting the story so that desire is not a claim, but a conversation. In teaching boys that intimacy cannot be earned through performance or purchase, only invited through respect. In teaching girls that their boundaries are not provocations, but personal truths. This is the slow, quiet revolution that changes the world not by policy alone, but by perception: the recognition that violence often begins in the stories we tell about what is owed.

The antidote to entitlement is not shame, but empathy. Real empathy, the kind that accepts another’s autonomy as equal to one’s own. To desire without entitlement is to love without domination. It is to see the other as subject, not supply. Until we learn that difference, every act of so-called romance will carry within it the ghost of coercion. Every story that begins with “he wanted” will risk ending with “she feared.”

To unlearn that pattern is the work of generations, but it begins with a simple act of linguistic courage: to name entitlement for what it is, quiet, persistent form of violence.

References:
1. Abbey, A., Jacques-Tapia, A., Wegner, R., Woerner, J., Pegram, S., Pierce, J. (2004). “Risk Factors for Sexual Aggression in Young Men.” Journal of Interpersonal Violence. – The article notes that among perpetrators salient cues include “a sense of entitlement” to sexual access and anger.
2. Jewkes, R., Flood, M., Lang, J. (2015). “New learnings on drivers of men’s physical and/or sexual violence against women.” Global Health Action. – This paper connects patriarchal privilege, gender hierarchy, and entitlement to men’s violence against women.
3. Safer (Australia). “What do we mean by male entitlement and male privilege?” – A practical resource that outlines how male entitlement operates in relationships: e.g., entitlement to sex, entitlement to compliance, entitlement to emotional accommodation.
4. Kelly, I. & Staunton, C. (2021). “Rape Myth Acceptance, Gender Inequality and Male Sexual Entitlement: A Commentary on the Implications for Victims of Sexual Violence in Irish Society.” International Journal of Nursing & Health Care Research. – This article explicitly links ideologies of male sexual entitlement with sexual violence and victim-blaming.
5. Equimundo / Making the Connections. “Harmful Masculine Norms and Non-Partner Sexual Violence.” – Provides global evidence that attitudes of male privilege and entitlement are consistently associated with rape perpetration.
6. Santana, M. C., Raj, A., Decker, M. R., La Marche, A., Silverman, J. G. (2008). “Masculine Gender Roles Associated with Increased Sexual Risk and Intimate Partner Violence Perpetration among Young Adult Men.” Culture, Health & Sexuality. – Links traditional masculine ideologies (including control and entitlement) with sexual violence/partner violence.
7. World Health Organization / United Nations documentation (summarised in various reviews) linking gender inequality, harmful norms, and violence against women: For instance – “The Association Between Gender Inequality and Sexual Violence in U.S. States.” BMC Public Health. – Demonstrates how structural gender inequality correlates with sexual violence prevalence.  

The Great Scramble: Social Media Giants Race to Comply with Australia’s Age Ban

Australia has just done something the rest of the internet can no longer ignore: it decided that, for the time being, social media access should be delayed for kids under 16. Call it bold, paternalistic, overdue or experimental. Whatever your adjective of choice, the point is this is a policy with teeth and consequences, and that matters. The law requires age-restricted platforms to take “reasonable steps” to stop under-16s having accounts, and it will begin to bite in December 2025. That deadline forces platforms to move from rhetoric to engineering, and that shift is telling.  

Why I think the policy is fundamentally a good idea goes beyond the moral headline. For a decade we have outsourced adolescent digital socialisation to ad-driven attention machines that were never designed with developing brains in mind. Time-delaying access gives families, schools and governments an opportunity to rebuild the scaffolding that surrounds childhood: literacy about persuasion, clearer boundaries around sleep and device use, and a chance for platforms to stop treating teens as simply monetisable micro-audiences. It is one thing to set community standards; it is another to redesign incentives so that product choices stop optimising for addictive engagement. Australia’s law tries the latter.  

Of course the tech giants are not happy, and they are not hiding it. Expect full legal teams, policy briefs and frantic engineering sprints. Public remarks from major firms and coverage in the press show them arguing the law is difficult to enforce, privacy-risky, and could push young people to darker, less regulated corners of the web. That pushback is predictable. For years platforms have profited from lax enforcement and opaque data practices. Now they must prove compliance under the glare of a regulator and the threat of hefty fines, reported to run into the tens of millions of Australian dollars for systemic failures. That mix of reputational, legal and commercial pressure makes scrambling inevitable.  

What does “scrambling” look like in practice? First, you’ll see a sprint to age-assurance: signals and heuristics that estimate age from behaviour, optional verification flows, partnerships with third-party age verifiers, and experiments with cryptographic tokens that prove age without handing over personal data. Second, engineering teams will triage risk: focusing verification on accounts exhibiting suspicious patterns rather than mass purges, while legal and privacy teams try to calibrate what “reasonable steps” means in each jurisdiction. Third, expect public relations campaigns framing any friction as a threat to access, fairness or children’s privacy. It is theatre as much as engineering, but it’s still engineering, and that is where the real change happens.  

There are real hazards. Age assurance is technically imperfect, easy to game, and if implemented poorly, dangerous to privacy. That is why Australia’s privacy regulator has already set out guidance for age-assurance processes, insisting that any solution must comply with data-protection law and minimise collection of sensitive data. Regulators know the risk of pushing teens into VPNs, closed messaging apps or unmoderated corners. The policy therefore needs to be paired with outreach, education and investment in safer alternative spaces for young people to learn digital citizenship.  

If you think Australia is alone, think again. Brussels and member states have been quietly advancing parallel work on protecting minors online. The EU has published guidelines under the Digital Services Act for the protection of young users, is piloting age verification tools, and MEPs have recently backed proposals that would harmonise a digital minimum age across the bloc at around 16 for some services. In short, a regulatory chorus is forming: national experiments, EU standards and cross-border enforcement conversations are aligning. That matters because platform policies are global; once a firm engineers for one major market’s requirements, product changes often ripple worldwide.  

So should we applaud the Australian experiment? Yes, cautiously. It forces uncomfortable but necessary questions: who owns the attention economy, how do we protect children without isolating them, and how do we create technical systems that are privacy respectful? The platforms’ scramble is not simply performative obstruction. It is a market signal: companies are being forced to choose between profit-first products and building features that respect developmental needs and legal obligations. If those engineering choices stick, we will have nudged the architecture of social media in the right direction.

The next six to twelve months will be crucial. Watch the regulatory guidance that defines “reasonable steps,” the age-assurance pilots that survive privacy scrutiny, and the legal challenges that will test the scope of national rules on global platforms. For bloggers, parents and policymakers the task is the same: hold platforms accountable, insist on privacy-preserving verification, and ensure this policy is one part of a broader ecosystem that teaches young people how to use digital tools well, not simply keeps them out. The scramble is messy, but sometimes mess is the price of necessary reform.

Sources and recommended reads (pages I used while writing): 
• eSafety — Social media age restrictions hub and FAQs. https://www.esafety.gov.au/about-us/industry-regulation/social-media-age-restrictions.
• Reuters — Australia passes social media ban for children under 16. https://www.reuters.com/technology/australia-passes-social-media-ban-children-under-16-2024-11-28/.
• OAIC — Privacy guidance for Social Media Minimum Age. https://www.oaic.gov.au/privacy/privacy-legislation/related-legislation/social-media-minimum-age.
• EU Digital Strategy / Commission guidance on protection of minors under the DSA. https://digital-strategy.ec.europa.eu/en/library/commission-publishes-guidelines-protection-minors.
• Reporting on EU age verification pilots and DSA enforcement. The Verge coverage of EU prototype age verification app. https://www.theverge.com/news/699151/eu-age-verification-app-dsa-enforcement.  

Tewin and the Shape of Ottawa’s Future

At the moment, I don’t feel I know enough about this developing issue to take a position, so I plan on monitoring the situation and perhaps look at the bigger picture.  

Four years ago, Ottawa city council voted to expand the urban boundary into lands southeast of the city to create a massive new suburban community called Tewin. The project, a partnership between the Algonquins of Ontario (AOO) and Taggart Group, envisions housing for up to 45,000 people on 445 hectares of land. This expansion was one of the most controversial planning decisions of the last decade, both for its symbolic weight and its long-term implications. Today, councillor Theresa Kavanagh has re-opened the debate, proposing that Tewin be stripped from Ottawa’s Official Plan. Her efforts highlight the difficult choices cities face between growth, climate goals, and Indigenous reconciliation.

The Promise of Tewin
Supporters of Tewin present it as a once-in-a-generation opportunity. For the Algonquins of Ontario, the project represents an unprecedented role in shaping Ottawa’s future. After centuries of dispossession, Tewin offers not only revenue streams and jobs but also visibility in the city’s urban fabric. This symbolic dimension, land not merely ceded or lost, but built upon in partnership, is difficult to dismiss.

Developers and some councillors also argue that Ottawa must accommodate population growth. With Canada’s immigration targets rising, pressure on housing supply is intense. Tewin promises tens of thousands of new homes, potentially designed with modern sustainability standards. Proponents emphasize that large master-planned communities can integrate parks, schools, and infrastructure in ways that piecemeal infill cannot. In this vision, Tewin is not sprawl, but a carefully designed city-within-a-city.

The Cost of Sprawl
Yet the critiques are no less powerful. City staff initially ranked the Tewin lands poorly during their 2020 evaluations, citing soil unsuitability, distance from infrastructure, and limited transit access. Servicing the site: extending water, sewers, and roads will cost nearly $600 million, much of it beyond the city’s 2046 planning horizon. These are funds that could otherwise reinforce existing communities, transit networks, and climate-resilient infrastructure.

Urban sprawl carries environmental and social costs. Tewin sits far from rail lines and job centres, ensuring that most residents will be dependent on cars. This contradicts Ottawa’s stated climate action commitments, which emphasize compact growth and reduced vehicle emissions. Critics also note that adding a massive suburb undermines efforts to intensify existing neighbourhoods, where transit and services are already in place.

Indigenous Voices, Indigenous Divisions
The Indigenous dimension of Tewin complicates the debate. On the one hand, the Algonquins of Ontario have secured a rare position as development partners, advancing reconciliation through economic participation. On the other hand, not all Algonquin communities recognize AOO’s legitimacy, and some argue that consultation has been narrow and exclusionary. The project thus embodies both progress and tension in the city’s relationship with Indigenous peoples. To reject Tewin outright risks appearing to dismiss Indigenous economic aspirations; to proceed with it risks deepening divisions and ignoring long-standing calls for more inclusive engagement.

A City at the Crossroads
Councillor Kavanagh’s push to remove Tewin from the Official Plan is more than a single motion. It reopens a philosophical question: what kind of city does Ottawa wish to become? If it seeks to embody climate leadership, resilient infrastructure, and walkable communities, Tewin appears to be a step backward. If it seeks to honour Indigenous partnership and ensure abundant housing supply, the project has undeniable appeal.

Ultimately, Tewin forces Ottawa to confront a contradiction at the heart of Canadian urbanism. We are a country that has promised climate action, but remains tethered to car-dependent suburbs. We are a nation that aspires to reconciliation, but often struggles to reconcile competing Indigenous voices. To move forward, Ottawa must do more than weigh costs and benefits; it must articulate a vision of growth that is both just and sustainable.

In this sense, Tewin is not merely a development proposal. It is a mirror held up to the city itself, reflecting both its aspirations and its unfinished work.

Sources:
• CTV News Ottawa. “Tewin development project passes latest hurdle but some say it still doesn’t belong.” August 2024. Link
• Ontario Construction News. “Ottawa councillor sparks renewed debate over controversial Tewin development.” April 2025. Link
• CTV News Ottawa. “Councillor withdraws motion to remove 15,000-home development from Ottawa’s Official Plan until after byelection.” April 2025. Link
• Horizon Ottawa. “Stop the Tewin Development.” Accessed October 2025. Link

Why Decentralized Social Media Is Gaining Ground

As I edit this post, I feel that I am mansplaining a shift in technology and platforms that most people already know, but people are getting fed up with the way the big platforms like Meta, X, and Google and are trying to maintain control of the narrative and our data. 

What’s Driving the Shift?
Today, with 5.42 billion people on social media globally; and an average user visiting nearly seven platforms per month, the field is crowded and monopolized by big players driving both attention and data exploitation. 

Decentralized networks are winning attention amid growing distrust: a Pew Research survey found 78% of users worry about how traditional platforms use their data. These alternatives promise control: data ownership, customizable moderation, transparent algorithms, and monetization models that shift value back to creators.

Moreover, the market is on a steep growth path: from US $1.2 billion in 2023 with a projected 29.5% annual growth rate through 2033, decentralized social is carving out real economic ground. 

Key Platforms Leading the Movement

PlatformHighlights & Stats
BlueskyBuilt on the AT Protocol—prioritizes algorithmic control and data portability. Opened publicly in February 2024, it had over 10M registered users by Oct 2024, more than 25M by late 2024, and recently surpassed 30M  . It also supports diverse niche front ends—like Flashes and PinkSea  . Moderation remains a challenge with rising bot activity  .
MastodonFederated, ActivityPub-based microblogging. As of early 2025, estimates vary: around 9–15 million total users, with ~1 million monthly active accounts  . Its decentralized model allows communities to govern locally  . However, Reddit discussions show user engagement still feels low or “ghost-town-ish”  .
Lens ProtocolWeb3-native, on Polygon. Empowers creators to own their social graph and monetize content directly through tokenized mechanisms  .
FarcasterBuilt on Optimism, emphasizes identity portability and content control across different clients  .
PoostingA Brazilian alternative launched in 2025, offering a chronological feed, thematic communities, and low-algorithmic interference. Reached 130,000 users within months and valued at R$6 million  .


Additional notable mentions: MeWe, working on transitioning to the Project Liberty-based DSNP protocol, potentially becoming the largest decentralized platform; Odysee for decentralized video hosting via LBRY, though moderation remains an issue. 

Why Users Are Leaving Big Tech
Privacy & Surveillance Fatigue: Decentralized alternatives reduce data collection and manipulation.
Prosocial Media Momentum: Movements toward more empathetic and collaborative platforms are gaining traction, with decentralized systems playing a central role.
Market Shifts & Cracks in Big Tech: TikTok legal challenges prompted influencers to explore decentralized fediverse platforms, while acquisition talks like Frank McCourt’s “people’s bid” for TikTok push the conversation toward user-centric internet models.

Challenges Ahead
User Experience & Onboarding: Platforms like Mastodon remain intimidating for non-tech users.
Scalability & Technical Friction: Many platforms still struggle with smooth performance at scale.
Moderation Without Central Control: Community-based governance is evolving but risks inconsistent enforcement and harmful content.
Mainstream Adoption: Big platforms dominate user attention, making decentralized alternatives a niche, not yet mainstream.

What’s Next
Hybrid Models: Decentralization features are being integrated into mainstream platforms, like Threads joining the Fediverse, bridging familiarity with innovation. 
Creator-First Economies: Platforms onboard new monetization structures—subscriptions, tokens, tipping—allowing creators to retain 70–80% of the value, compared to the 5–15% they currently retain on centralized platforms.
Niche and Ethical Communities: Users will increasingly seek vertical or value-oriented communities (privacy, art, prosocial discourse) over mass platforms.
Market Potential: With a high projected growth rate, decentralized networks could become a major force, particularly if UX improves and moderation models mature. 

Modernized Takeaway: Decentralized social media has evolved from fringe idealism to a tangible alternative – driven by data privacy concerns, creator empowerment, and ethical innovation. Platforms like Bluesky and Mastodon are gaining traction but still face adoption and moderation challenges. The future lies in hybrid models, ethical governance, and creator-first economies that shift the balance of power away from centralized gatekeepers.

When Confederation Feels Like Confrontation: Ontario and Quebec’s Alberta Dilemma

As I write in my Ottawa living room, and although my sympathies stretch eastward into Quebec and the Martimes, I am watching Alberta events on the evening news as if viewing a distant cousin gone rogue. From here, in Central Canada, we’ve built our identity on a tapestry of industrial dynamism, social progressiveness, and an uneasy, yet genuine, devotion to national unity. So when Alberta thunders about “owning” its oil sands, rails under federal pipeline delays, and threatens separatism with a bravado more suited to Texas than to the spirit of Confederation, it feels less like a debate among equals, and more like a family spat escalating into road rage.

The Great Divide
Central Canada’s frustration begins with a simple question: Why can’t Alberta appreciate that its prosperity rides on Canada’s backbone? We know well the clang of steel from Lake Ontario factories, the laboratories of McGill and U of T, the commuter trains of the GTA carrying workers into offices that fuel innovation, culture, and trade. We see our tax dollars flow westward into infrastructure grants and environmental clean‑ups, yet all we hear back is how Ottawa is strangling Alberta’s lifeblood. In boardrooms and bistros alike, we exchange incredulous glances. “Is that really how they see us?”

In Ontario’s legislature or Quebec City’s cafés, the lament is the same. Alberta’s insistence on unfettered resource development, against carbon pricing, against pipeline regulations, against the minimal environmental guardrails that we accept as part of modern governance, strikes us as not only shortsighted, but tone‑deaf. After all, we’re the ones negotiating trade deals abroad, keeping Canada’s credit rating intact, and answering to the world for our climate commitments. When Alberta rips up its federal‑provincial agreements, and paints itself as a victim, it risks making the rest of us look like oppressors.

When Conservatives Moved the Needle
It wasn’t a personal chemistry with any one leader that mattered so much as policy alignment. Under Conservative governments, particularly during the years following 2006, Ottawa embraced free‑market principles that resonated deeply in Alberta: lower corporate taxes, streamlined approvals, and a lighter regulatory touch on energy projects. This wasn’t about nostalgia for a single prime minister, but about a political philosophy that saw energy as an engine of growth, not a problem to be managed.

From Alberta’s perspective, deregulated markets and balanced budgets felt like recognition of its core economic values. In Central Canada, we may have questioned some of those choices, but we accepted that a spectrum of economic approaches made Canada stronger. The result was a pragmatic détente: pipelines moved forward, investment flowed, and while we debated environmental trade‑offs, there was at least mutual respect for each region’s priorities.

When Regionalism Becomes Roadblock
Today, the rhetoric out west often sounds like, “Build the pipeline, or we’ll build our own exit ramp.” Yet Central Canada knows unequivocally that there is no exit ramp. Our factories, hospitals, and schools depend on the interprovincial movement of people, goods, and capital. The same pipelines Alberta demands are the conduits that keep our cars running, and our manufacturing humming. When Alberta complains that Ottawa’s carbon tax is an “Ottawa cash grab,” it ignores that those funds have helped pay for the recent transit expansions in Edmonton and Calgary, along with the wastewater infrastructure upgrades in Lethbridge.

Even more galling is the separatist thunder: poll after poll invites alarm with one in three Albertans saying they might consider leaving Canada under a Liberal government, feels like a hostage‑negotiation tactic, rather than a legitimate policy platform. Central Canada hears the echoes of Texas secession talk, fireworks and flags, bravado and bluster, but we see the policy vacuum behind the spectacle. We wonder: can they name a single agreement on the global stage that would willingly recognize a 4.4 million‑person “Republic of Alberta”? Or do they really believe they can simply flip a switch and declare independence?

Progressive Values Under Siege
For all our differences, Central Canada prides itself on progressive values: public healthcare that is universal, environmental targets that align with global science, and social policies that aim to reduce inequality. We do not see these as luxuries, but as imperatives for a 21st century nation. So when Alberta snarls at any shift toward renewable energy or regulatory tightening, we perceive a rejection, not only of policy, but of shared national values. It’s as if Alberta believes that “progressive” is a dirty word, an urban‑elitist dictate, rather than a democratic choice.

The result is a mutual distrust. We view Alberta as obstinate, and uncooperative; they view us as meddlesome and judgmental. And somewhere in the commotion, Canada the country begins to feel less like “one nation” and more like warring fiefdoms.

Pathways to Reconciliation
Even as Central Canadians exhale in frustration, we still cling to the idea that this can be repaired. We remember that the Constitution, our shared contract, grants Alberta ownership of its resources (Section 92A), but also vests Ottawa with authority over interprovincial trade, environmental standards, and national unity. Those overlapping jurisdictions are not battlegrounds to be won; they are negotiation tables to be inhabited with respect.

Here’s what we in the centre would propose:
1. Joint Stewardship Councils
Permanent federal‑provincial bodies—one on energy and one on climate—co‑chaired by ministers from Ottawa and Edmonton, with rotating seats for other provinces. Their mandate: to align pipelines, carbon policy, and regional development in a single coherent plan.
2. Mutual Accountability Reporting
Instead of one‑way complaints, require quarterly reports on how federal actions affect provincial economies and vice versa, published publicly so Albertans and Ontarians alike can see the trade‑offs.
3. Shared Diversification Funds
A federally matched investment fund for Alberta to channel resource revenues into hydrogen, critical minerals, and technology hubs—mirroring grants Ontario and Quebec receive for their own diversification.
4. Cultural Exchange Programs
Scholarships and internships pairing Alberta students with agencies in Ottawa, and Central Canadians with energy‑sector positions in Calgary and Fort McMurray, because trust grows when people move across the lines, not when walls go up.

Towards a True Confederation
As I look east from Ontario or west from Quebec, I still see Alberta as part of Canada’s grand promise, a province of immense resources, entrepreneurial spirit, and resilient people. But a promise requires reciprocity. If Alberta wants the benefits of the Canadian federation, it must share responsibility for national projects, ideals, and compromises. And if Central Canada wants Alberta to feel at home in Confederation, we must speak not with condescension, but with open hands and honest trade‑offs.

In the end, Texas doesn’t have to be our model, and neither does Paris or Beijing. We can be distinctly Canadian: united not in uniformity, but in a federalism that accepts our regional flavors and binds them together in mutual respect. Only then will Alberta’s roar feel like a proud Canadian voice, rather than an echo of someone shouting from outside our walls.

Five Things We Learned This Week

Week of October 25–31, 2025

A week of extreme weather, big geopolitical tests, market moves and wrenching human stories. Here are five items you should know from Oct 25 – 31, 2025.

🌪️ Hurricane Melissa devastates parts of the Caribbean (Oct 28–30)

Hurricane Melissa slammed Jamaica and battered Cuba and Haiti, becoming Jamaica’s strongest-ever recorded storm and causing dozens of deaths, widespread flooding and tens of thousands displaced. Recovery and humanitarian relief are now the immediate priorities.

Why it matters: The storm’s intensity underscores how warming seas are amplifying disaster risk for island nations.

Source: Reuters Caribbean Service, BBC Weather Centre (Oct 28–30 2025).

💱 U.S. raises tariffs on Canada by 10% (Oct 25)

In a surprise move on Oct 25 the U.S. announced a 10% tariff increase on many Canadian goods — a sharp escalation in trade friction between the two neighbours and one likely to reverberate across supply chains and markets.

Why it matters: Trade spats between major partners affect jobs, currency values and consumer prices across North America.

Source: Bloomberg Markets, Globe and Mail Business (Oct 25 2025).

🔬 Russia says it tested a new nuclear-powered cruise missile (Oct 26)

Moscow reported a successful test of its nuclear-powered Burevestnik cruise missile on Oct 26, a claim that, if true, carries major implications for strategic stability and arms-control debates.

Why it matters: Such weapons could bypass existing defence systems and complicate future nuclear treaty negotiations.

Source: BBC World Service, Al Jazeera Defense Desk (Oct 26 2025).

📉 Fed cuts rates but Powell warns December is not guaranteed (Oct 29)

On Oct 29 the Federal Reserve cut its policy rate by 25 basis points; Chair Jerome Powell cautioned markets that another cut in December was not assured, a comment that pushed volatility and trimmed some of the initial market rally.

Why it matters: Interest-rate signals guide global credit flows and influence currencies and investment strategy worldwide.

Source: Reuters Finance, Wall Street Journal (Oct 29 2025).

⚖️ Red Cross hands over body of a deceased hostage from Gaza (Oct 27)

The International Committee of the Red Cross transferred the body of a deceased hostage from Gaza to Israeli authorities on Oct 27, a grim and sensitive development in the ongoing aftermath of the conflict and hostage exchanges.

Why it matters: Humanitarian operations in conflict zones require trust and neutrality — both fragile but essential qualities for any future peace process.

Source: Associated Press, Haaretz, ICRC statement (Oct 27 2025).

Closing thoughts: This week juxtaposed planetary fury and planetary politics: a rapidly intensifying hurricane underlines climate vulnerability while tariffs, weapons tests and uneasy ceasefire aftermaths show how geopolitics and economics can shift quickly. All events have been verified to fall inside Oct 25 – 31 2025.

Full Relationship Contracts: Love on Purpose, Not by Default

In a world where relationships are evolving faster than the institutions meant to contain them, more people are questioning the traditional model of marriage. Rather than rejecting commitment, they are seeking to redefine it on their own terms. One increasingly popular alternative is the full relationship contract: a comprehensive, negotiated agreement that replaces the assumptions of marriage with intentional choices, clear expectations, and built-in flexibility.

The appeal of a relationship contract lies in its transparency. Unlike marriage, which bundles legal, emotional, financial, and social expectations into one culturally loaded package, a contract allows two or more people to shape their connection deliberately. It invites discussion of what the relationship is for, whether romantic partnership, cohabitation, co-parenting, a D/s dynamic, companionship, or some combination, and what each party wants to give and receive. Far from being clinical, this process can be intimate, even profound. At its heart, it is about building trust through clarity, not obligation.

A full relationship contract typically covers a broad set of topics: emotional and sexual boundaries, communication norms, shared responsibilities, conflict resolution, and the length and terms of the agreement itself. Some people choose a fixed term, six months, a year, or five, at which point the contract is reviewed, renewed, or completed. Others prefer an open-ended agreement with periodic check-ins to assess satisfaction and adjust terms. The idea is not to place love on a timer, but to honour that people grow and change, and that relationships must adapt to survive.

One area where these contracts prove especially valuable is in addressing the question of children. In traditional marriage, parenthood is often assumed as a natural progression, but in non-traditional partnerships, the subject can be more complex. A well-structured agreement considers whether children are desired, what values will guide parenting, and how responsibilities will be shared. Even when the intention is not to have children, many choose to include contingency clauses outlining what will happen if a pregnancy occurs: who makes decisions, how support is offered, and what kind of relationship, if any, continues afterward. While not legally binding in all respects, these clauses create a framework for compassion and responsibility in high-stakes situations.

Flexibility is one of the most empowering features of this approach. Relationship contracts do not imply permanence; rather, they support conscious ongoing consent. When a contract reaches its end or no longer serves those involved, the parties are free to walk away, not with bitterness or blame, but with mutual recognition that the connection has run its course. Some include rituals for closing a relationship respectfully, such as a final shared dinner, a letter exchange, or even a mediated conversation to express gratitude and say goodbye with care. This emphasis on closure helps prevent the chaos and pain often associated with sudden or unresolved breakups.

Critics sometimes argue that this kind of negotiated relating is too calculated, that it takes the magic out of love. But real intimacy isn’t built on spontaneity alone. In fact, many of the most painful relationship experiences come from unspoken assumptions and unmet expectations. A relationship contract does not prevent emotion; it simply creates a container sturdy enough to hold it. Rather than making love conditional, it makes it conscious. It encourages people to enter into relationships with eyes open, hearts engaged, and agreements in place to protect the dignity and well-being of everyone involved.

This model resonates strongly in communities where traditional structures have failed to offer security or legitimacy. Polyamorous and queer relationships, for example, often do not fit within the legal and cultural framework of marriage. Neurodivergent individuals may benefit from clearly defined expectations. People who engage in alternative dynamics, such as D/s, often require negotiated boundaries around autonomy and authority. Even monogamous couples are beginning to see the value in choosing their commitments actively rather than inheriting them from outdated scripts.

As the nature of family and partnership continues to shift, full relationship contracts offer a compelling alternative. They are not meant to replace marriage for everyone, nor do they guarantee harmony. But they represent a move toward relational maturity, a way of saying that commitment need not be blind, and that love does not require self-abandonment to endure. In place of vague promises, they offer grounded conversation. In place of rigid roles, they offer flexibility and co-creation. And in place of state-enforced permanence, they offer mutual freedom, responsibility, and the chance to begin again, better.

Results Over Bureaucracy: Transforming Federal Management and Workforce Planning

Canada’s federal government employs hundreds of thousands of people, yet far too often, success is measured by inputs rather than results. Hours worked, meetings attended, or forms completed dominate performance metrics, while citizens experience delays, inconsistent service, and bureaucratic frustration. Prime Minister Mark Carney has an opportunity to change this by embracing outcomes-based management and coupling it with a planned reduction of the federal workforce—a strategy that improves efficiency without undermining service delivery.

The case for outcomes-based management
Currently, federal management emphasizes process compliance over actual impact. Staff are assessed on whether they followed procedures, logged sufficient hours, or completed internal forms. While accountability is important, focusing on inputs rather than outputs fosters risk aversion, discourages initiative, and prioritizes process over public value.

Outcomes-based management flips this paradigm. Departments and employees are held accountable for tangible results: timeliness, accuracy, citizen satisfaction, and measurable program goals. Performance evaluation becomes tied to impact rather than paperwork. Managers are empowered to allocate resources strategically, encourage innovation, and remove obstacles that slow delivery. Employees gain clarity on expectations, flexibility in execution, and motivation to improve services.

This approach is widely recognized internationally as best practice in public administration. Governments that adopt outcomes-focused management report faster service delivery, higher citizen satisfaction, and better use of limited resources. It is a tool for effectiveness as much as efficiency.

Planned workforce reduction: 5% annually
Outcomes-based management alone does not shrink government, but it creates the environment to do so responsibly. With clearer accountability for results, the government can reduce headcount without impairing services. A planned 5% annual reduction over five years, achieved through retirements, attrition, and more selective hiring, offers a predictable, sustainable path to a smaller, more focused public service.

No mass layoffs are necessary. Instead, positions are left unfilled where feasible, and recruitment is limited to essential roles. Over five years, the workforce contracts by approximately 23%, freeing funds for high-priority programs while maintaining core services. At the end of the cycle, a full review assesses outcomes: delivery quality, service metrics, and costs. Adjustments can be made if reductions have inadvertently affected citizens’ experience.

Synergy with the other reforms
This plan works hand-in-hand with the other two reforms proposed: eliminating internal cost recovery and adopting a single pay scale with one bargaining agent. With fewer staff and a streamlined compensation system, management gains greater clarity and control. Removing internal billing and administrative overhead frees staff to focus on outcomes, while a unified pay scale ensures fair and consistent compensation as the workforce shrinks. Together, these reforms create a coherent, accountable, and modern public service.

Benefits for Canadians
Outcomes-based management and planned workforce reduction offer multiple benefits:
1. Efficiency gains: Staff focus on work that delivers measurable results rather than administrative juggling.
2. Cost savings: Attrition-based reductions lower salary and benefits expenditures without disruptive layoffs.
3. Transparency: Clear metrics demonstrate value to taxpayers, building public trust.
4. Resilience and innovation: Departments adapt faster, encouraging problem-solving and continuous improvement.

Political and administrative feasibility
Canada has successfully experimented with elements of outcomes-based management in programs such as the Treasury Board’s Results-Based Management Framework and departmental performance agreements. These initiatives demonstrate that the federal bureaucracy can shift focus from inputs to results if given clear mandates and strong leadership. Coupled with a predictable downsizing plan, the government can modernize staffing while maintaining accountability and service quality.

A smarter, results-driven public service
Prime Minister Carney has the opportunity to reshape Ottawa’s culture. Moving from input-focused bureaucracy to outcomes-based management, and pairing it with a responsible workforce reduction, creates a public service that delivers more for less. Citizens experience faster, more reliable services; employees understand expectations and have clarity in their roles; and the government maximizes value from every dollar spent.

Together with eliminating internal cost recovery and adopting a single pay scale, this reform completes a trio of policies that make the federal government smaller, smarter, and more accountable. Canadians deserve a public service focused not on paperwork, but on results that matter. This is the path to a modern, efficient, and effective Ottawa.

Frank McLynn: A Biographer Who Talks Back to History

“History is not a static record, and truth is not a simple story. It is a conversation, sometimes a quarrel, and always an argument well made.”

If you haven’t yet fallen into the work of Frank McLynn, consider this a gentle warning: once you do, history will never look quite the same. McLynn isn’t merely a writer of biographies; he is a thinker about biography itself, a historian who insists on a conversation with his peers even as he recounts the lives of figures long departed. His work is a masterclass in the art of writing history that is simultaneously rigorous, readable, and refreshingly candid.

Engaging with History, Not Just Telling It
Take his monumental work on Richard Francis Burton. Most biographers, in approaching a figure like Burton: the explorer, linguist, orientalist, and provocateur would pick a path of reverence, sensationalism, or straightforward chronology. McLynn does none of these exclusively. Instead, he immerses himself in the entire scholarly conversation on Burton, dissecting assumptions, noting disagreements, and then calmly explaining why his own interpretation diverges. He doesn’t dismiss other historians; he engages with them, highlighting blind spots, overlooked evidence, or interpretive errors. The result is not just a biography, but a kind of intellectual conversation that readers can follow and participate in.

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This dialogic approach is rare in modern biography. Many writers simply present their research, leaving the reader to assume that their conclusions are self-evident. McLynn, by contrast, shows the intellectual gears turning behind the narrative: why he favors one interpretation over another, why certain sources carry more weight, and why some claims advanced by previous historians are problematic. In doing so, he educates as he narrates, giving readers insight into the historian’s craft as well as the subject’s life.

The Challenge of Burton’s Lost Papers
McLynn’s work on Burton becomes even more remarkable when one considers the obstacles he faced. Much of Burton’s personal material: letters, diaries, manuscripts was deliberately destroyed by his wife, Isabel, after his death. Earlier biographers often treated this loss as a barrier too high to surmount, leaving gaps in the narrative or filling them with speculation that blurred the line between evidence and invention.

McLynn confronts these gaps head-on. He does not pretend they do not exist, nor does he indulge in imaginative reconstruction disguised as fact. Instead, he reconstructs Burton’s world with meticulous care, using surviving letters, published works, contemporary accounts, and even indirect references to piece together a life both vivid and credible. The result is a biography that is as rigorous as it is lively, a rare balance in historical writing, especially given the fragmentary nature of the surviving sources.

What stands out is McLynn’s ethical sensitivity. He demonstrates that historical gaps do not justify careless inference. Rather, he shows how one can be faithful to the evidence while still producing an engaging narrative. Readers gain not only a sense of Burton himself, but also an appreciation for how historians navigate the tension between curiosity and respect, interpretation and invention.

The Ethics and Craft of Biography
This transparency is one of McLynn’s defining traits. He models intellectual honesty in every chapter, reminding readers that biography is as much about interpretation as it is about fact. He acknowledges the limits of sources, the biases of previous scholars, and the moral ambiguity of his subjects. By doing so, he invites readers to think critically, weigh evidence, and arrive at their own conclusions.

McLynn’s biographies are, in a sense, lessons in historiography. Through his work, we see how historical interpretation evolves, how scholars argue across time, and how personal and cultural biases shape the telling of any life. He makes these debates accessible, without ever oversimplifying them, allowing readers to witness the historian’s reasoning in action.

Themes Across McLynn’s Work
Across his wide-ranging oeuvre, from Napoleon Bonaparte to Genghis Khan, from Carl Jung to Marcus Aurelius, McLynn’s approach is consistent. He is drawn to figures who are morally complex, intellectually audacious, or too misunderstood to be captured by conventional narratives. He eschews hagiography and sensationalism alike, favoring instead a careful, nuanced exploration of character and context.

Another hallmark is his attention to cultural and historical environment. McLynn situates his subjects within the broader currents of their times, showing how context shapes decisions, ambitions, and legacies. In Genghis Khan: The Man Who Conquered the World, for example, he paints a rich picture of the Mongol steppe and tribal politics, helping readers understand the extraordinary achievements of a man often caricatured in previous accounts. Similarly, in his Napoleon biography, he balances the public image with the private complexities of the man, providing both strategic analysis and human insight.

Why McLynn Matters
For readers, engaging with McLynn is thrilling. You are not merely absorbing facts; you are witnessing a historian navigate a maze of interpretation, weighing evidence, and arguing with the ghosts of scholarship past. His biographies are immersive, yet intellectually rigorous, blending narrative excitement with careful reasoning.

In a publishing world awash with hagiography, sensationalism, and truncated life sketches, McLynn reminds us why biography matters. He shows that history is a living dialogue, shaped by questions as much as answers. And in every book, quietly but insistently, he is the biographer who talks back, both to his subjects, and to the historians who have preceded him.

“He writes not to canonize or condemn, but to illuminate, and in doing so, he reveals something equally compelling about the practice of history itself.”

For those willing to read closely, McLynn’s footnotes, source critiques, and occasional asides provide a secondary narrative: a conversation about scholarship itself. In this sense, reading McLynn is not just a journey through the lives of extraordinary figures; it is a lesson in how history is written, interpreted, and understood.