A Civilization With Nowhere to Hide

What if humanity suddenly became fully telepathic. Not the occasional spooky hunch or party trick, but full-time, universal, always-on mind sharing. No mute button. No privacy settings. This would not be an upgrade like glasses or Wi-Fi. It would be more like removing the walls from every house on Earth and then acting surprised when everyone feels awkward.

Telepathy would not give us a new way to communicate so much as take away the barriers that currently make social life possible. Modern civilization quietly assumes that thoughts are private, speech is optional, and silence is allowed. Telepathy flips that table. Even if we developed good manners about it, the basic fact would remain. Everyone can hear the background noise in everyone else’s head. Privacy would no longer be the default. It would be a skill. Possibly an advanced one.

The first casualty would be the private self. The modern identity is mostly an internal narration. I am who I tell myself I am, plus maybe a slightly edited version for public release. In a telepathic world, identity becomes a group project. You are not only who you think you are. You are also who other people experience you to be from the inside. The autobiography is now co-authored, whether you like it or not.

Psychologically, this would be rough. Very rough. All the stray thoughts, unflattering impulses, half-baked judgments, and unresolved contradictions would be on display. The comforting illusion that other people are mentally tidy would vanish almost immediately. But something interesting might happen after the initial collective mortification. Once everyone knows, firsthand, that minds are chaotic, inconsistent, and occasionally ridiculous, the idea that a person can be defined by their worst thought becomes hard to maintain. Hypocrisy stops being shocking and starts being recognisable. Compassion, no longer a lofty ideal, becomes simple realism.

Relationships would change faster than anything else. Romantic, family, and even casual connections currently rely on selective disclosure, strategic silence, and the occasional “I’m fine” that absolutely is not fine. Telepathy removes these tools. There is no hiding resentment. No unspoken longing. No passive-aggressive cheerfulness. Emotional reality shows up on time, every time.

This would eliminate entire classes of relational harm. Gaslighting collapses when intent is visible. Manipulation struggles when motives are obvious. Consent becomes clearer because desire and hesitation are directly perceived instead of guessed at. On the downside, relationships become harder to maintain casually. Holding someone else’s unfiltered mental life takes effort. Emotional labour stops being a metaphor and becomes an actual daily task. Social circles would likely shrink. Fewer relationships, deeper ones, and absolutely no room for emotional freeloading.

Culture would also have to adjust. Much of what we call culture is a shared performance held together by controlled narratives and selective expression. Telepathy makes this difficult. Propaganda loses its edge when internal contradictions light up like a dashboard warning. Charisma without sincerity evaporates. Leadership becomes less about how well you speak and more about whether your beliefs, intentions, and actions actually line up.

Art would survive, but it would have to work harder. When everyone can already feel what everyone else feels, simple expression becomes redundant. Art shifts from saying “this is my inner world” to asking “what else could our inner worlds become”. Its job moves from communication to transformation. Humour, thankfully, remains essential. Shared absurdity, sudden insight, and collective recognition of how strange all this is would be vital pressure valves. In a world with very little psychic privacy, laughter might be the last refuge.

Power structures would not vanish, but they would be exposed. Hierarchies depend on information asymmetry. So do bureaucracies, surveillance systems, and most forms of exploitation. When intention is visible, coercion becomes harder to dress up as politeness. Power still exists, but it has to be honest about itself.

New rules would emerge to cope. Societies would need norms around mental boundaries, attentional consent, and the right not to be overwhelmed. Silence and solitude would become protected resources. Crime would change shape. Some harms would decline as empathy increases and escalation becomes visible early. New harms would appear, including psychic intrusion and emotional flooding. Justice would focus less on discovering what happened and more on repairing what everyone already knows.

At the civilisational level, coordination becomes easier. Shared understanding lowers the cost of cooperation. Large projects, crisis response, and collective problem-solving accelerate. Humanity begins to function less like a collection of arguing tribes and more like a single, slightly neurotic superorganism.

And yet, something precious would need defending. Individuality would no longer be assumed. It would have to be actively protected. Silence, distance, and mental rest would become scarce and possibly sacred. Borders would matter less as lived experience replaces abstraction. Nationalism, which relies on imagined differences and curated stories, would struggle to survive sustained psychic contact with real human lives. The idea of “the other” becomes difficult to maintain when you can feel their Tuesday afternoon.

Which brings us to the central problem of a telepathic civilisation. Connection would be solved. That part is easy. The real challenge would be learning when not to connect. Creativity, dissent, and novelty often arise from friction, misunderstanding, and partial knowledge. Total transparency risks smoothing the world flat.

The future of such a species would not depend on its ability to hear one another. That would be effortless. It would depend on its wisdom in choosing when to close the door, dim the noise, and let a little mystery survive.

A Grocery Tax Credit Alone Cannot Fix Rising Food Prices

Canada’s recent announcement of an enhanced grocery-focused tax credit represents a fiscal effort to address household affordability pressures, yet it stops well short of tackling the underlying drivers of elevated food prices. The Canada Groceries and Essentials Benefit expands the existing Goods and Services Tax (GST) credit by roughly 25% for five years and includes a one-time 50% top-up payment in 2026. This adjustment aims to put additional cash into the hands of low- and modest-income families facing grocery price inflation, particularly in urban centres where household budgets are already stretched. [Source]

Estimated Annual Benefit under Canada Groceries and Essentials Benefit, 2026

Household TypeApprox. Eligible PopulationCurrent GST Credit (CAD)Proposed Credit Increase (%)Estimated Annual Benefit (CAD)
Single adult3.2 million44325%554
Couple, no children2.5 million56625%708
Single parent, 1 child1.4 million57525%719
Single parent, 2 children0.8 million76525%956
Couple, 2 children2.1 million1,51225%1,890

While additional income support can indeed help households cope with higher nominal grocery bills, it does not alter the prices displayed on supermarket shelves. Grocery stores set prices based on a complex array of supply-side factors that lie outside direct consumer control: global commodity costs, transportation and fuel expenses, labour and packaging inputs, and competitive dynamics among retail chains. The benefit’s design boosts purchasing power without addressing these structural determinants of food prices, meaning that support can be absorbed by continued price increases rather than translating into lower costs at the till.

The policy’s focus on cash transfers also leaves out many of the indirect pressures on affordability. Rising energy prices, fluctuations in the Canadian dollar, and climate-related impacts on domestic agriculture have contributed to a higher cost base for essential foods. While the government intends the credit to be a temporary buffer, households may continue to feel the pinch if structural cost drivers are not addressed simultaneously.

Recent Food Price Inflation by Category (Canada)

CategoryYear-over-Year Change
Grocery overall+4.7% (Nov 2025)
Fresh or frozen beef+17.7% (Nov 2025)
Coffee+27.8% (Nov 2025)
Fresh vegetables+3.7% (Apr 2025)
Eggs+3.9% (Apr 2025)
Bakery products+2.1% (Oct 2025)
Dairy+1.4% (Oct 2025)

Economic evidence from the last several quarters shows that grocery inflation in Canada has consistently outpaced general inflation, intensifying concerns about affordability. Certain staples, such as beef and coffee, have experienced particularly sharp increases due to both international market volatility and domestic supply constraints. Meanwhile, vegetables, eggs, and dairy, while increasing at a slower pace, contribute to the cumulative pressure on household budgets. The uneven nature of these price increases highlights the limitations of a single cash transfer in addressing widespread cost pressures. [Source]

Critics of the grocery tax credit correctly note that without accompanying measures to control prices or enhance competition, the benefit functions primarily as a transfer payment rather than a price-stabilization mechanism. If households receive more after-tax income but supply bottlenecks or concentrated market structures enable retailers to maintain high markups, the net effect on real affordability may be muted. Economists caution that demand-side fiscal support can, in certain contexts, perpetuate inflationary pressures if it is not paired with supply-side reforms that ease cost pressures or intensify competition.

Structural reforms could take several forms. Stronger enforcement of competition law to reduce the market power of dominant grocery chains could increase pricing discipline. Targeted subsidies for producers or investments in logistics could help lower costs upstream, which may eventually be reflected in lower retail prices. Carefully calibrated price controls, while politically sensitive, could provide temporary relief for essential goods. Each option carries trade-offs, including potential impacts on supply reliability and long-term market incentives, but all address the fundamental drivers of high prices in ways that cash transfers alone cannot.

While the enhanced GST credit may help buffer household budgets in the short term, it is not a substitute for policies that alter the economics of food pricing. Without interventions that directly address supply constraints, market concentration, or cost pressures, consumer relief will depend on continued transfers rather than a fundamental correction of price dynamics. Future discussions on food affordability would benefit from integrating demand support with concrete strategies to increase supply efficiency, foster competition, and reduce the cost of essential goods. [Source]

Patriarchy, Matriarchy, and the Question of Social Design

In the long sweep of human history, few structures have shaped daily life as thoroughly as systems of gendered power. Patriarchy and matriarchy are often presented as opposites, but this framing obscures more than it reveals. One is a historically dominant system of centralized authority. The other is a set of social arrangements that redistribute power, responsibility, and meaning in fundamentally different ways. Understanding the distinction is less about reversing hierarchy and more about examining which values a society chooses to place at its core.

Patriarchy is best understood not simply as male leadership, but as a worldview. Authority is concentrated, legitimacy flows downward, and social order is maintained through hierarchy. Political power, economic control, inheritance, and cultural narratives tend to align around masculine-coded traits such as dominance, competition, and control. Caregiving and relational labor are treated as secondary, often invisible, despite being essential to social survival. Even when patriarchal systems soften over time, their underlying logic remains intact. Power is something to be held, defended, and exercised over others.

Matriarchy, by contrast, is frequently misunderstood as a mirror image of patriarchy. Anthropological evidence suggests otherwise. Societies described as matriarchal or matrilineal rarely exclude men or invert domination. Instead, they organize authority around kinship, continuity, and shared responsibility. Descent and inheritance often pass through the maternal line, anchoring identity in stable social bonds. Decision-making tends to be collective, with influence distributed across elders, family networks, and community councils rather than vested in singular rulers.

The most compelling argument for matriarchal systems lies not in claims of moral superiority, but in outcomes. Where patriarchy centralizes power, matriarchy diffuses it. This structural difference reduces the risk of authoritarian drift and limits the social damage caused by individual ambition. Authority becomes situational rather than absolute, exercised in service of group continuity rather than personal dominance.

Care occupies a radically different position in these systems. In patriarchal cultures, care is often framed as a private obligation or charitable act. In matriarchal societies, care functions as infrastructure. Child-rearing, elder support, emotional labor, and social repair are recognized as essential to collective resilience. Policies and customs evolve to protect long-term wellbeing rather than prioritize short-term extraction, whether economic or political.

Violence, too, is treated differently. Patriarchal systems have historically rewarded aggression, conquest, and coercion with status and legitimacy. Militarization becomes a cultural ideal rather than a last resort. Matriarchal societies, while not free of conflict, tend to favor mediation, kinship accountability, and reconciliation. Social cohesion is preserved by repairing relationships rather than punishing transgression alone.

Identity formation reveals another contrast. Patriarchy emphasizes individual achievement and competitive success. Worth is measured by rank, wealth, or dominance. Matriarchal systems emphasize relational identity. Individuals are defined by their roles within a web of mutual dependence. This orientation fosters cooperation and shared accountability, particularly during periods of crisis or scarcity.

Gender roles themselves often prove more flexible in matriarchal contexts. Patriarchy enforces rigid norms while presenting them as natural or universal. Matriarchal systems decouple masculinity from rule and femininity from subservience. Men retain agency and dignity without being positioned as default authorities. Leadership becomes contextual rather than gender-mandated.

It is important to note that few contemporary thinkers advocate for a pure matriarchy imposed upon modern states. The more serious project is post-patriarchal rather than anti-male. It asks whether societies organized around care, continuity, and distributed authority are better equipped to face complex global challenges than those organized around dominance and extraction.

From a cultural perspective, the question is not which gender should rule. It is which values should shape the structures that govern collective life. History suggests that systems prioritizing care, shared power, and relational responsibility produce more stable and humane outcomes. In an era defined by ecological strain, demographic shifts, and social fragmentation, these lessons are less ideological than practical.

It has long been argued that culture is not destiny, but design. Patriarchy is one design among many, not an inevitability. Matriarchal principles offer an alternative blueprint, not for reversing oppression, but for dismantling it altogether.

Five Hundred Posts

This is the 500th post on Rowanwood Chronicles, and I want to pause for a moment rather than rush past the number.

Five hundred posts means months of thinking in public. It means essays written early in the morning with coffee going cold, notes drafted in train stations and kitchens, arguments refined and re-refined, and ideas that only became clear because I was willing to write them out imperfectly first. It means following threads of geopolitics, technology, culture, relationships, power, science fiction, and lived experience wherever they led, even when they led somewhere uncomfortable or unfashionable.

This blog was never intended to be a brand or a platform. It has always been a workshop. A place to test ideas, to connect dots, to push back against lazy thinking, and to explore what it means to live ethically and deliberately in a complicated world. Some posts have aged well. Others mark exactly where my thinking was at the time, and I am content to leave them there as signposts rather than monuments.

What has surprised me most over these five hundred posts is not how much I have written, but how much I have learned from the responses, private messages, disagreements, and quiet readers who later surfaced to say, “That piece helped me name something.” Writing in public creates a strange kind of community, one built less on agreement than on shared curiosity.

To those who have been reading since the early days, thank you for staying. To those who arrived last week, welcome. To those who argue with me in good faith, you have sharpened my thinking more than you know. And to those who read quietly without ever commenting, you are still part of this.

I have no intention of slowing down. There are still too many systems to interrogate, futures to imagine, and human stories worth telling. Five hundred posts in, Rowanwood Chronicles remains what it has always been: a place to think carefully, write honestly, and refuse simple answers.

Onward.

Community Wealth Building and the Reassertion of Local Economic Power

Scotland’s proposed Community Wealth Building legislation should be read not as a technical reform of local government practice, but as a quiet intervention in the geopolitical and economic settlement that has shaped the North Atlantic world since the late twentieth century. It arrives at a moment when assumptions about globalisation, capital mobility, and the neutrality of markets are being reassessed across Europe and beyond. In this context, the Bill represents an attempt to recover economic agency at the level of the state and the community without retreating into protectionism or nostalgia.

For several decades, economic development across the United Kingdom and much of the West followed a broadly convergent logic. Growth was expected to flow from attracting external capital, integrating into global supply chains, and minimising friction for mobile firms. Local institutions were repositioned as facilitators rather than shapers of economic life. The consequences of this model are now widely acknowledged: hollowed-out local economies, fragile supply chains, stagnant wages, and deepening territorial inequality. Community Wealth Building emerges as a response to this structural failure, not as a rejection of markets, but as a refusal to treat them as self-justifying.

The Scottish Bill formalises this response by embedding Community Wealth Building into the routine machinery of governance. It does so through process rather than command. Ministers would be required to articulate a national strategy, while local authorities and designated public bodies would be tasked with producing coordinated action plans. This architecture reflects an understanding that economic power is already widely distributed across public institutions, but rarely aligned. Procurement, employment, land management, and investment decisions are typically made in isolation. The legislation seeks to bring these decisions into a shared strategic frame.

The Five Pillars as Instruments of Sovereignty

At the centre of this frame are the five pillars of Community Wealth Building: spending, workforce, land and property, inclusive ownership, and finance. These pillars correspond directly to the points at which wealth either embeds itself locally or leaks outward. Public spending can anchor local supply chains or reinforce distant monopolies. Employment can stabilise communities or entrench precarity. Land can function as a productive commons or a speculative asset. Ownership can concentrate power or distribute it. Finance can circulate locally or exit at the first sign of volatility.

The Bill’s significance lies in treating these domains not as discrete policy areas, but as interdependent levers of economic sovereignty. This is a departure from the fragmented governance model that characterised late neoliberal public administration, in which efficiency was prized over coherence and coordination.

The Preston Model as Proof of Concept

This approach has a clear and often-cited precedent in the Preston Model developed in Lancashire. Following the collapse of a major inward investment project, Preston City Council and a group of anchor institutions reoriented their procurement and economic strategy toward local suppliers and inclusive ownership models. By coordinating spending decisions and nurturing local capacity, Preston demonstrated that local economies retain more agency than is commonly assumed.

The results were incremental rather than transformative, but they were measurable and durable. Procurement spend retained within the local and regional economy increased substantially, job quality improved, and confidence in local economic stewardship was restored. The lesson of Preston was not ideological but institutional: resilience is often built through aligned, routine decisions rather than grand economic interventions.

From Voluntary Practice to Statutory Expectation

Scotland’s proposed legislation draws on this experience while addressing one of its principal limitations. The Preston Model depended heavily on political continuity and local leadership. By placing Community Wealth Building on a statutory footing, the Scottish Government seeks to ensure durability beyond electoral cycles. This reflects a broader European trend toward embedding economic governance within legal and institutional frameworks rather than relying on discretion and goodwill.

In this respect, the Bill aligns more closely with continental traditions of social market governance than with the United Kingdom’s recent reliance on deregulated competition and capital mobility. It represents a subtle but meaningful shift in how economic legitimacy is constructed.

Geopolitics, Resilience, and Strategic Autonomy

The geopolitical implications of this shift should not be underestimated. In an era defined by fractured supply chains, sanctions regimes, and strategic competition, economic resilience has become inseparable from national and regional security. Shorter supply chains, diversified ownership, and locally rooted finance reduce exposure to external shocks. Community Wealth Building thus complements wider debates about strategic autonomy unfolding across Europe and among middle powers navigating an increasingly unstable global order.

Although sub-state in form, Scotland’s legislation participates in this reorientation by strengthening the internal foundations of economic resilience. It does not promise insulation from global forces, but it does offer a means of engagement that is less extractive and more adaptive.

Cultural Memory and Economic Stewardship

Culturally, the Bill resonates with long-standing Scottish debates over land, ownership, and democratic control. From land reform movements to community buyouts, there exists a deep political memory of extraction and dispossession. Community Wealth Building translates these concerns into contemporary administrative language. It offers a way to address structural imbalance without framing the issue as a moral repudiation of global capitalism.

Instead, the economy is treated as a system that can be shaped through institutional design and stewardship. This framing avoids both nostalgia and utopianism, positioning reform as a matter of governance rather than ideology.

A Quiet Recalibration

Critics argue that the legislation lacks enforcement mechanisms and risks becoming aspirational. Such critiques assume that economic change only follows dramatic intervention. Historical experience suggests otherwise. Durable change more often arises from the cumulative effect of aligned institutions acting consistently over time. By normalising local economic stewardship across public bodies, the Bill establishes the conditions for gradual but compounding transformation.

Seen in this light, Scotland’s Community Wealth Building law forms part of a broader recalibration underway across the Western political economy. It signals a move away from the assumption that prosperity must be imported, and toward the idea that it can be cultivated. In a period marked by uncertainty and realignment, this modest ambition may prove to be its most consequential feature.

Sources

From Evidence to Exemption: How Bill 5 Rewrites Ontario’s Relationship with the Past

For more than four decades, Ontario’s archaeological system has rested on a quiet but essential bargain. Cultural heritage, once disturbed, cannot be reassembled. In exchange for allowing land to be developed, altered, and intensively used, the province embedded a requirement that trained professionals, operating at arm’s length from political power, would determine what lay beneath the surface and how it should be treated. This arrangement did not make archaeology anti-development. It made development accountable to history.

The recent amendments to the Ontario Heritage Act under Bill 5 weaken that bargain. They replace a system grounded in professional judgment and transparent process with one increasingly shaped by political discretion. The shift is not merely administrative. It strikes at the epistemological foundation of heritage protection by moving decisions about archaeological value away from evidence-based assessment and toward executive authority exercised behind closed doors.

Archaeology functions differently from most heritage disciplines because its subject matter is frequently unknown until it is destroyed. Unlike a heritage building or a designated landscape, an archaeological site often announces its existence only when machinery is already at work. The pre-Bill 5 framework recognized this reality by requiring assessment in areas of archaeological potential before development proceeded. That precautionary logic treated uncertainty as a reason for care, not as a justification for exemption. Bill 5 inverts that logic by allowing unknown sites to be bypassed if they are not already identified, a circular standard that guarantees loss precisely where knowledge is thinnest.

The damage here is cumulative rather than dramatic. Each unassessed site removed from the record narrows the historical archive permanently. Archaeology does not merely recover objects. It reconstructs patterns of land use, migration, trade, conflict, and environmental adaptation across thousands of years. When sites are destroyed without study, those patterns become fragmented, distorted, or irretrievable. Over time, this produces a thinner, more selective account of Ontario’s past, one shaped less by evidence than by what happened to survive political timelines.

The implications for Indigenous heritage are particularly severe. Many archaeological sites represent ancestral places that remain culturally and spiritually significant, regardless of whether they are formally registered or visible on the landscape. A system that allows cabinet or ministerial exemptions without robust, mandatory Indigenous consultation risks repeating older colonial patterns, where Indigenous history is treated as an obstacle to progress rather than a foundational layer of the land itself. When decisions are centralized and expedited, relationships grounded in consent, stewardship, and shared authority are the first casualties.

There is also an institutional cost. Professional archaeology in Ontario has long operated as a regulated field with ethical obligations, peer accountability, and methodological standards. When political actors gain the ability to override or pre-empt that process, expertise becomes advisory rather than determinative. Over time, this erodes the authority of professional judgment and encourages a culture where heritage protection is viewed as discretionary, negotiable, or expendable in the face of economic pressure.

Transparency suffers as well. Archaeological assessments, reports, and registers create a public record. They allow decisions to be scrutinized, challenged, and improved. Executive exemptions, by contrast, concentrate power while reducing visibility. Even when exercised legally, such authority diminishes public trust by removing heritage decisions from open processes and situating them within cabinet deliberations that are structurally insulated from external review.

The broader cultural consequence is a subtle recalibration of values. Heritage protection becomes framed not as a public good but as a regulatory burden to be managed or avoided. The past is no longer something held in trust for future generations, but something weighed against short-term policy objectives. That framing does not abolish archaeology outright. It renders it fragile, contingent, and politically vulnerable.

Ontario’s archaeological record is finite. Every exemption that allows development to proceed without assessment trades long-term knowledge for short-term convenience. Once made, that trade cannot be reversed. Bill 5 thus does not merely streamline process. It alters the moral economy of heritage protection by shifting authority away from evidence, expertise, and public accountability toward discretion exercised in the name of urgency.

History rarely announces its loss in the moment it occurs. The damage becomes visible only later, when questions can no longer be answered, when gaps appear where continuity should exist, and when future scholars inherit a record shaped less by what once was than by what was allowed to disappear.

When Bed Bugs Became Normal

Over Christmas, in the middle of one of those conversations that wander from politics to rent to the sheer exhaustion of trying to live well, one of my kids said something that stopped me cold.

“You boomers don’t really get it,” they said. “Bed bugs are just part of life now.”

I laughed at first, because that is what you do when something sounds exaggerated. Bed bugs, to me, belonged to a different era. Something from old boarding houses, wartime hostels, badly run hotels in novels. Not something you simply absorbed into your mental list of modern inconveniences, like delayed buses or terrible customer service.

But they were serious. Not alarmist, not dramatic. Just factual. Friends had dealt with them. Neighbours had dealt with them. People they knew moved, threw out furniture, slept with their clothes sealed in bags, and then went on with their lives. It was not a story. It was context.

I live in Ottawa. I pay attention to housing. I read the news. And yet this had somehow slid past me. So I did what I usually do when I suspect I am wrong. I went and looked it up.

What I learned was uncomfortable, not because bed bugs are especially dangerous, but because they are ordinary now in a way they were not when I was younger. Bed bugs were largely suppressed in North America by the late twentieth century. They never disappeared, but for a long while most people never encountered them. That changed in the early 2000s, and the change stuck.

Public health agencies, pest control data, and municipal reporting all tell the same story. Increased travel, dense urban housing, and widespread resistance to common insecticides have allowed bed bugs to rebound and spread efficiently. They do not care if a place is clean. They do not care about income. They move by hitching rides in luggage, backpacks, furniture, and clothing. Human mobility is their advantage.

Ottawa, it turns out, regularly appears near the top of Canadian city rankings for bed bug treatments. Not because it is uniquely dirty or negligent, but because it is dense, mobile, and full of multi unit housing. Apartments, dorms, shelters, hotels, and condos form a continuous ecosystem. Once bed bugs are established in a building, eradication is slow, expensive, and often incomplete.

What surprised me most was not the prevalence, but the tone of the official advice. Ottawa Public Health does not speak about bed bugs as a rare emergency. It speaks about them as a recurring condition. Something to be managed. Something residents should learn to identify, report, and respond to calmly.

They do not transmit disease. That is the reassurance. But they do transmit stress. Anxiety. Shame. Sleeplessness. Financial strain. Entire households reorganized around plastic bags and heat treatments and waiting.

When you grow up believing a problem has been solved, its return feels like failure. When you grow up with the problem already present, it feels like weather. Something you watch for and plan around, but do not expect to eliminate.

That, I think, is the generational divide my kid was pointing at.

For many people in their twenties, bed bugs are not a crisis story. They are part of the background risk of renting, traveling, and sharing space in a city. You do not panic. You check. You adapt. You hope you are lucky.

I still do not like the idea that this is “just how it is now.” But I understand why they said it. And I understand now that my shock said more about my assumptions than about their reality.

Sometimes the world does not change all at once. Sometimes it just quietly adds another thing you have to live with, and waits to see who notices.

PS I did wash their bedding and clean the rooms as soon as they left.

Sources: 
Ottawa Public Health. Bed Bugs.
https://www.ottawapublichealth.ca/en/public-health-topics/bed-bugs.aspx
CityNews Ottawa. Ottawa ranks among Canada’s bed buggiest cities.
https://ottawa.citynews.ca
Health Canada. Bed bugs.
https://www.canada.ca/en/health-canada/services/pest-control-tips/bedbugs.html

Why Canada Should Make Voting Compulsory: Lessons from Australia

Canada prides itself on being a democratic nation, yet voter turnout tells a different story. In the 2021 federal election, just over 62% of eligible Canadians cast a ballot. Compare that with Australia, where voting has been mandatory since 1924, and turnout regularly exceeds 90%. The contrast is striking, and instructive. If Canada is truly committed to representative democracy, it should make voting compulsory.

Australia’s experience shows how dramatically voting laws can reshape political engagement. When the country introduced compulsory voting in 1924, turnout jumped from under 60% to over 91% in just one election. This wasn’t just a statistical change; it was a transformation of civic culture. Elections became more representative, and policy debates began to reflect a broader range of voter concerns. In Australia, “a parliament elected by a compulsory vote more accurately reflects the will of the electorate,” notes the Australian Election Commission. Canada could reap the same benefits.

One of the most compelling arguments for compulsory voting is the way it strengthens democratic legitimacy. When turnout is low, election results can be skewed by the interests of a narrow, often more affluent and ideologically extreme segment of the population. This leads to policies that favour the vocal few rather than the silent majority. By contrast, when everyone must vote, politicians must listen to everyone, including the marginalized and the poor. As historian Judith Brett puts it, “Now that means that politicians, when they’re touting for votes, know that all of the groups, including the poor, are going to have a vote. And I think that makes for a more egalitarian public policy.”

Critics argue that compulsory voting infringes on personal freedom. But Australians have lived with the system for a century, and public support for it remains strong, hovering around 70% since 1967. In fact, in 2022, 77% of Australians said they would still vote even if it weren’t mandatory. This suggests that making voting compulsory doesn’t stifle freedom; it cultivates civic responsibility.

Furthermore, compulsory voting could help counter political polarization in Canada. In voluntary systems, political parties often cater to their most radical base to energize turnout. But in Australia, where turnout is nearly universal, parties are forced to appeal to the political centre. This moderating influence is desperately needed in Canada’s increasingly divided political landscape.

Canada’s current voter turnout rates are simply not good enough. A democracy where one-third of citizens routinely sit out elections is a democracy with a legitimacy problem. If we want politics that are more representative, inclusive, and moderate, then it’s time to follow Australia’s lead. Voting is not just a right, it’s a duty. And like jury service or paying taxes, it should be expected of every citizen.

Source:
• BBC News (2022). “Why Australia makes voting mandatory.” https://www.bbc.com/news/world-australia-61505771
• Australian Electoral Commission. “Compulsory voting.” https://www.aec.gov.au/Voting/Compulsory_Voting/
• Elections Canada (2021). Voter Turnout. https://www.elections.ca/content.aspx?section=ele&dir=turn&document=index&lang=e

Ottawa at 25: The Amalgamation That Never Delivered

As Ottawa approaches the 25th anniversary of amalgamation this January, the moment invites a frank assessment. In 2001 the provincial government promised that merging 13 municipalities into a single-tier City of Ottawa would streamline governance, cut waste, improve services and stabilize taxes. Amalgamation was sold as modern, efficient and inevitable, a rational response to the untidy patchwork of local governments that once defined the region.

Two and a half decades later the record is far more complicated. Some benefits were real. Many others were aspirational. And for large portions of the city, especially rural and semi-rural communities, amalgamation has been a system that works to them, not for them. Bigger, it turns out, was not better.

The Promise of Better Services – The Reality of Uneven Delivery
The early pitch for amalgamation was simple: unify services and everyone wins. In practice, the outcome has been uneven across geography and income.

Urban residents gained the most. They saw expanded recreation programming, new library access and coordinated planning. Rural areas, by contrast, experienced reduced responsiveness in road maintenance, snow clearing, bylaw enforcement and transit. Communities like West Carleton, Rideau-Goulbourn and Osgoode have spent two decades reminding City Hall that “one size fits all” is not a service model; it is a compromise imposed on communities with profoundly different needs.

The city’s signature public-transit investment – the O-Train LRT system – was supposed to embody the advantages of centralization. Instead it has become a case study in the limits of mega-city governance: severe construction delays, cost overruns, and a nationally publicized public inquiry detailing systemic failures in oversight, transparency and project management. The LRT problems are not merely technical. They illustrate the deeper strain of running a sprawling municipality where accountability is diffused across layers of bureaucracy rather than rooted in local leadership.

The Financial Question: Where Were the Savings?
The financial rationale for amalgamation rested on scale. A bigger city would deliver efficiencies; efficiencies would reduce costs; reduced costs would protect taxpayers.

This never materialized.

Transition costs reached an estimated $189 million. Savings projections were optimistic, not guaranteed. The Transition Board did not promise tax cuts, and indeed taxes did not fall. In many rural and suburban areas they increased sharply, partly due to uniform tax policies that replaced diverse local rates.

Cost pressures accumulated in other ways:
• The city’s share of funding for provincial property-assessment operations has outpaced inflation every year since amalgamation.
• Capital projects, particularly transit, have grown more expensive while their benefits remain unevenly distributed.
• Ottawa now faces an annual transit operating shortfall approaching $140 million, straining a tax base already stretched by road, infrastructure and policing costs.

The efficiencies that were supposed to stabilize municipal finances largely failed to appear. In their place came the financial stresses of a city whose physical footprint rivals Toronto’s but without the provincial funding model Toronto enjoys.

Lost Local Control – And Lost Trust
Perhaps the most significant cost of amalgamation has been the erosion of local governance. Prior to 2001 communities had councils attuned to their unique needs and accountable to residents they lived beside. Today many rural and semi-rural residents feel politically peripheral; listened to, but not heard.

Ward representation cannot replicate local councils. Nor can city-wide policies reflect the distinct rhythms of a village like Manotick, the agricultural economy of Osgoode, or the infrastructure realities of West Carleton. The result has been a steady accumulation of resentment: a sense that rural areas subsidize urban priorities while their own needs remain secondary.

The weakening of local identity has democratic implications. Decision-making concentrated at the centre becomes less transparent, less responsive and harder for residents to influence. The LRT inquiry offered a stark reminder of what can happen when oversight drifts too far from citizens and too far from the specific communities most affected.

A Quarter Century Later: What Has Ottawa Gained – And What Has It Lost?
It would be simplistic to call Ottawa’s amalgamation a failure. Some benefits are undeniable: unified planning, expanded programming, strengthened economic-development strategies and early years of reasonably controlled citywide spending.

But at a structural level, amalgamation has not delivered its central promises. Taxes did not fall. Services did not equalize. Financial pressures did not ease. The governance system is more centralized but not more accountable. And the diversity of Ottawa’s communities – rural, suburban and urban – often exceeds the capacity of a single administrative structure to manage well.

The lesson is not that amalgamation should be reversed. The lesson is that centralized government must be paired with robust local power, transparent decision-making and an honest recognition that “efficiency” cannot override community identity or regional diversity.

As the 25-year mark approaches, Ottawa has an opportunity to look clearly at what was promised, what was delivered and what must change to make this city work fairly for everyone. Amalgamation may be permanent, but its shortcomings do not have to be.

Sources: 
en.wikipedia.org
todayinottawashistory.wordpress.com
app06.ottawa.ca (Rural Affairs Committee reports)
ottawa.ca (Long-Range Financial Plan II and III)
spcottawa.on.ca (WOCRC rural community report)
imfg.org (Single-tier municipal governance studies)
globalnews.ca (Ottawa LRT Public Inquiry)
ottawa.citynews.ca (Transit financial shortfall)
obj.ca (De-amalgamation commentary)

The Ferry That Would Not Settle: Wolfe Island and the Cost of Getting It Wrong

For generations, the Wolfe Island ferry was a quiet, functional piece of public infrastructure. It was not glamorous, and it did not promise innovation. It simply worked often enough that island life could organize itself around its rhythms. That unspoken reliability ended not with a single breakdown, but with a cascade of decisions that treated a critical transportation link as a technology showcase rather than a lifeline.

The roots of the current crisis reach back to the decision to replace the Wolfe Islander III, a vessel launched in 1976 that, despite its age, delivered consistent service. In 2017, the Ontario Ministry of Transportation committed to a new, larger hybrid-electric ferry, the Wolfe Islander IV, built overseas and marketed as a modern, higher-capacity, lower-emissions solution. On paper, it was progress. In practice, it was a project that outran its own ecosystem.

The new vessel arrived in Ontario in 2021, years before the docks, charging infrastructure, and staffing capacity required to operate it were fully in place. This mismatch created an immediate limbo. A ferry designed to function as part of an integrated electric system instead sat idle while shore-side systems lagged behind. Training shortages and labour constraints compounded the delay, turning what should have been a transitional period into a prolonged absence from service.

When the Wolfe Islander IV finally entered full-time operation in August 2024, expectations were high and patience already thin. Those expectations were quickly tested. Within months, the vessel suffered a grounding incident that damaged its hull and propulsion components. What was initially described as minor damage resulted in the ferry being removed from service for an extended period and sent to a Hamilton shipyard for repairs. The older Wolfe Islander III was pressed back into duty, once again carrying the weight of continuity.

The mechanical troubles did not end with that incident. The hybrid-electric design depended on shore-based charging infrastructure that was still incomplete, forcing the vessel to rely heavily on onboard diesel generators. Those generators, never intended for sustained primary operation, became a point of failure. By mid-2025, generator problems again sidelined the ferry. Brief returns to service were followed by further outages, including power system failures that left residents relying on temporary passenger shuttles and improvised arrangements.

These technical failures had predictable human consequences. The Wolfe Islander IV operates on a longer round-trip schedule than its predecessor, reducing the number of daily crossings. For island residents, this change reshaped daily life. Commutes grew longer and less predictable. Medical appointments, school schedules, supply deliveries, and emergency response planning all became more fragile. What had once been an inconvenience during rare outages became a chronic uncertainty.

Concerns around emergency access have been particularly acute. Wolfe Island relies on ferry access for ambulance transport to mainland hospitals. Longer crossing times and unreliable service are not abstract inconveniences in that context. They are measurable risks. Community petitions and advocacy groups emerged not out of nostalgia for the old ferry, but out of a clear understanding that transportation reliability is a public safety issue, not merely a service quality metric.

The deeper problem is not that a new ferry experienced teething issues. Complex infrastructure projects often do. The problem lies in the sequencing of decisions. The vessel was delivered before its supporting systems were ready. Operational assumptions were made about staffing and training capacity that did not hold. A technology-forward design was deployed into an environment that could not yet support it. Each of these choices transferred risk from the project plan onto the community it was meant to serve.

What has unfolded at Wolfe Island is a familiar Canadian infrastructure story. Ambition was not matched by coordination. Procurement timelines were allowed to drift out of alignment with construction and commissioning realities. Accountability became diffuse as responsibility spread across contractors, ministries, and timelines. Meanwhile, residents were left to absorb the consequences of decisions made far from the dock.

The Wolfe Island ferry saga is not primarily about electric propulsion or shipbuilding quality. It is about governance. It is about whether essential public services are designed around the lived realities of the communities that depend on them, or around abstract models of innovation and efficiency. Reliability, once lost, is difficult to regain. Trust follows the same rule.

Until the ferry system is treated first as critical infrastructure and only second as a demonstration project, Wolfe Island will continue to pay the price for a transition that was promised as an improvement and delivered as a disruption. The lesson is not that modernization is a mistake. The lesson is that modernization without readiness is not progress at all.

Sources